Burn After Reading        

Who’s Who
What’s What

In the World of CIA Fronts, Partners, Proprietaries & Contractors


The Almost Classified Guide to CIA Front Companies, Proprietaries & Contractors
ISBN: 978-1-365-11196-9

Cool Justice Editor's Note: Following are excerpts from author Madsen's introduction and the body of the work. Additional suggested reading: News story about Madsen's book via the Washington, D.C. based Justice Integrity Project [link at the bottom of this post].


From the Introduction

One of the most pervasive uses of companies as intelligence partners was under the CIA’s Operation MOCKINGBIRD. During the Cold War, the CIA, often with the approval of corporate executives, infiltrated their agents to work as journalists in newspapers, radio and television networks, wire services, and magazines. The following pages in this book are rife with examples of this penetration of the Fourth Estate – all too many in the opinion of this journalist. The CIA admitted to at least 400 journalists on the agency’s payroll at the height of MOCKINGBIRD. The CIA traditionally understates its capabilities, especially when its covert activities become publicly known. Moreover, the end of the Cold War did not stop the practice of the CIA in infiltrating the media and slant news reports to its wishes.


An insightful look behind the veils of secrecy into the CIA’s use of fronts, proprietaries, and partners calls into question the purpose of the CIA. Created by President Harry S Truman to serve as a central collector and repository of intelligence, the CIA became much more than that. A few weeks after the United States witnessed the assassination of President Kennedy in the middle of downtown Dallas, Truman penned an op-ed piece that appeared in several newspapers around the country. In it, Truman shared his regret for having created the CIA in 1947:

“I think it has become necessary to take another look at the purpose and operations of our Central Intelligence Agency—CIA . . . For some time I have been disturbed by the way CIA has been diverted from its original assignment. It has become an operational and at times a policy-making arm of the Government. This has led to trouble and may have compounded our difficulties in several explosive areas.

"I never had any thought that when I set up the CIA that it would be injected into peacetime cloak and dagger operations. Some of the complications and embarrassment I think we have experienced are in part attributable to the fact that this quiet intelligence arm of the President has been so removed from its intended role that it is being interpreted as a symbol of sinister and mysterious foreign intrigue.”


The 21st century’s CIA’s partners are more likely to be found among high-tech companies marketing the latest and greatest mobile applications and data mining programs than among banks, law offices, and advertising agencies. However, in the post-World War II era, the CIA’s top and middle echelons were normally found operating through cover as typewriter-pecking journalists, traveling Madison Avenue admen, corporate lawyers, and chain-smoking oilmen. In the 1970s and 80s, CIA contractors and partners began showing up in the high-tech field, with database, local area networking, and on-line information retrieval systems attracting the most interest by Langley.


As this book went to press, the smart phone game application Pokémon Go fad was sweeping the planet. Unbeknownst to many of the on-line game’s avid fan’s was the connection of the game’s developers to the CIA’s venture capital firm IN-Q-TEL. All users saw their geo-location and other smart phone data being swept up by a CIA partner firm.


Amazon, Inc. [CIA contractor]. Company provides cloud computing services for the CIA. Amazon’s CEO Jeff Bezos also owns The Washington Post.

American Historical Society. [CIA partner]. Many society officials were OSS/CIA officers.

American Press Institute. [CIA front]. Operating out of Columbia University, the institute’s director in the 1950s was a CIA officer.

AmeriCares. [CIA partner]. A non-profit organization that is often the “first in” at refugee situations. Founded by tycoon J. Peter Grace, a board chairman of the CIA front, the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD) and a trustee of another CIA front, the American Committee for Liberation from Bolshevism, AmeriCares was involved in funding the Nicaraguan contras. The group has also provided the CIA with recruiting opportunities at mass refugee sites, particularly in Latin America and Asia.

Bechtel Corporation. [CIA contractor]. Bechtel is a large construction company that has included former CIA director Richard Helms, CIA pseudonym “Fletcher M. Knight,” among its executive ranks. Bechtel was active in providing corporate cover for the OSS in the Middle East during World War II. Bechtel has been a consummate service company for various CIA operations, including support for the CIA-inspired coup against the Syrian government in 1949, the Iranian government of Prime Minister Mohamed Mossadeq in 1953, and President Sukarno of Indonesia in 1965. From the 1960s to the 1970s, Bechtel provided cover for CIA agents in Libya under both the regime of King Idris and his successor, Muammar Qaddafi. Sometimes called a “secret arm” of the CIA, Bechtel’s executives included those who would join President Reagan’s Cabinet, including Secretary of State George Schultz and Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger.

Before World War II, Steve Bechtel formed a military-industrial complex partnership with John McCone. McCone later became the chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission and later, director of the CIA. The CIA has used Bechtel to provide cover for non-official cover CIA operatives abroad.

Blackstone Investment Group. [CIA front]. With offices in Washington, DC and Moscow, arranged for the purchase of KGB documents following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Among the documents sought by the front company were any related to illegal CIA activities during the Cold War, including the 1963 assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

Bourbon and Beefsteak Bar and Restaurant. [CIA front]. Opened in 1967 in King’s Cross in Sydney, Australia. Served as a rendezvous point for CIA, Australian Security Intelligence Organization (ASIO), and organized crime figures. Its proprietor was Bernie Houghton, a CIA operative with links to Nugan Hand Bank, CIA weapons smuggler Edwin Wilson, and CIA clandestine services officers Theodore Shackley, Rafael Quintero, and Thomas Clines.

Center for Democracy. [CIA front]. Administered under the aegis of Boston University, the center maintained offices in Boston, Washington, DC, Guatemala City, and Strasbourg, France. Involved in CIA operations in eastern Europe, Central America, and Africa.

Colt Patent Firearms Company. [CIA partner]. Based in Hartford, Connecticut, provided corporate cover for CIA officers operating abroad.

Daddario & Burns. [CIA partner]. Headed by former OSS officer Emilio Daddario, a Democratic Representative from Connecticut, the Hartford-based law firm provided services to the CIA.

DC Comics. [CIA partner]. Worked with the International Military Information Group (IMIG), a joint CIA/Pentagon unit at the State Department, to disseminate propaganda comic books, featuring Superman, Batman, and Wonder Woman, in Serbo-Croatian and Albanian, to youth in the Balkans during the military conflicts in that region.

Disney Corporation. [CIA partner]. CIA agents who were adept at creating front companies and shell corporations in Florida, worked closely with Disney in preparation for the construction of Disney World near Orlando, Florida. OSS veteran “Wild Bill” Donovan and CIA shell company expert Paul Helliwell helped create two fake Florida cities, Bay Lake and Lake Buena Vista, as well as a number of shell corporations, to keep secret the plans for Disney World. This kept land prices low because real estate speculators were unaware of the prospective value of the land in a desolate area of central Florida.

Emory School of Medicine. [CIA partner]. Located in Atlanta, Georgia. Involved in the CIA’s MK-ULTRA behavioral modification project.

Enron Corporation [CIA partner]. Houston-based firm that was used by the CIA to provide commercial cover for its agents around the world. There were at least 20 CIA employees on Enron’s payroll. Andre Le Gallo, a former official of the CIA’s Operations Directorate, went to work as a corporate intelligence officer for Enron.

Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC). [CIA front]. Officially established by American Trotskyists, the group was penetrated by CIA operatives. The FPCC New Orleans office was a CIA front that provided cover for the anti-Fidel Castro activities of Lee Harvey Oswald, Clay Shaw, and David Ferrie, among others. The New Orleans FPCC office was located at 544 Camp Street and shared the same building entrance with Guy Banister Associates, Inc., a private detective agency, the address for which was 531 Lafayette Street and around the corner from 544 Camp Street.

In December 1963, after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, the FPCC ceased all U.S. operations.

General Electric Company. [CIA partner]. Based in Fairfield, Connecticut, provided corporate cover for CIA officers operating abroad.

General Foods Corporation. [CIA partner]. Advertising account at CIA’s Robert Mullen Company handled by an active CIA employee.

Google, Inc. [CIA partner]. Developed as a result of a research grant by the CIA and Pentagon to Stanford University’s Department of Computer Science. The CIA referred to the research as the “google project.”

Greenberg Traurig. [CIA partner]. Washington, DC “connected” law firm.

Guy Banister Associates, Inc. [CIA partner]. New Orleans private detective agency headed by former FBI agent Guy Banister. The detective agency coordinated the activities of various anti-Castro Cuban groups in New Orleans, including Banister’s own Anti-Communist League of the Caribbean, as well as the Cuban Revolutionary Council, the Cuban Democratic Revolutionary Front, Friends of Democratic Cuba, and the Crusade to Free Cuba Committee.

Banister and Associates shared office space with the CIA’s New Orleans front, the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, headed by Lee Harvey Oswald.

Hale and Dorr. [CIA partner]. Boston-based law firm that provided cover for CIA’s Independence and Brown Foundations.

Halliburton. [CIA contractor]. Based in Houston, it is the world’s largest oil service company. Recipient of a number of CIA sole-source contracts for services worldwide.

Harper and Row, Inc. [CIA partner]. Manuscripts submitted to the New York publisher that dealt with intelligence matters, particularly CIA operations, were turned over to the CIA for censoring edits before publication.

Hewlett Packard Corporation. [CIA partner]. Sold computers to Iraq for Saddam Hussein’s missile program with the knowledge and approval of the CIA.

Hill & Knowlton. [CIA partner]. Public relations firm that teamed with the CIA on a number of operations. Hill & Knowlton’s numerous offices abroad provided cover for CIA agents. One known Hill & Knowlton office that was a CIA front operation was in Kuala Lumpur.

Kerr-McGee. [CIA partner]. Provided corporate cover for CIA officers operating overseas.

Kissinger Associates, Inc. [CIA partner]. New York-based international consulting firm founded by former Secretary of State and National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger. Former National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft is a co-owner. The firm provided support to the CIA-linked American Ditchley Foundation and the Bilderberg Group. Much of the 1982 seed money for Kissinger Associates was provided by Goldman Sachs.

Knight Foundation. [CIA partner]. Also known as the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation. Based in Miami, the foundation provides funding for various CIA-connected media operations in the United States and around the world.

Kroll Inc. [CIA partner]. Founded in 1972 by Jules Kroll, who had links to both U.S. and Israeli intelligence. Based in Manhattan. French domestic law enforcement believed Kroll’s Paris office was a CIA front. Kroll handled the security for the World Trade Center after the 1993 terrorist bombing and continued to be responsible for security up to, during, and after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack. Kroll employed former FBI assistant director for counter-terrorism John O’Neill, who died in the collapse of the World Trade Center.

Lincoln Savings and Loan. [CIA partner]. Based in Irvine, California and headed by notorious swindler Charles Keating, Jr., involved in laundering funds for the Iran-contra scandal.

Lone Star Cement Corporation. [CIA partner]. Based in Stamford, Connecticut and linked to the Bush family, provided corporate cover for CIA officers operating abroad. Involved in the Iran-contra scandal.

Mary Carter Paint Company. [CIA front]. A money-laundering operation for the CIA. Involved in casinos in the Bahamas.

Monsanto. [CIA partner]. The firm contracted with former CIA official Cofer Black’s Total Intelligence Solutions (TIS), a subsidiary of the CIA-connected Blackwater USA, later Xe Services, to monitor animal rights groups, anti-genetically modified (GM) food activists, and other groups opposed to Monsanto’s agri-business operations worldwide.

National Enquirer. [CIA partner]. The tabloid’s founder, Generoso (Gene) Pope, Jr., worked for the CIA’s psychological warfare unit and the agency’s Italy branch in 1950. In 1952, Pope acquired The New York Enquirer broadsheet and transformed it into a tabloid, renaming it The National Enquirer. This transformation bore the imprimatur of the CIA’s Operation MOCKINGBIRD media influence program.

Newsweek. [CIA partner]. Magazine reporters and stringers fed information to the CIA. Newsweek’s stringers in southeastern Europe and the Far East were CIA agents. When Newsweek was bought by The Washington Post Company in 1961, cooperation between the magazine and the CIA increased. It was a participant in the CIA’s Operation MOCKINGBIRD media influence program. Much of the staff of Newsweek was absorbed into a new online publication, The Daily Beast, which continues to disseminate CIA-influenced articles. See Washington Post.

Nieman Foundation. [CIA partner]. Located at Harvard University, the foundation awarded Nieman Fellowships, some on behalf of the CIA, for foreign journalists to study at Harvard. The journalists were subjected to CIA recruitment efforts prior to their returning to their home countries.

Pamela Martin & Associates. [CIA partner], Escort firm run by Deborah Jeane Palfrey, the so-called “DC Madam.” During her 2008 trial for mail fraud, Palfrey attempted to invoke the Classified Information Procedures Act in order to discuss her relationship with the CIA. The U.S. Court refused Palfrey’s request and she was convicted and later said to have committed suicide before her sentencing hearing in Washington, DC. One of her clients was Randall Tobias, the head of the CIA-connected USAID. Another was Louisiana Republican senator David Vitter.

Paris Review. [CIA front]. Literary magazine edited by George Plimpton. Published works by Jack Kerouac and Samuel Beckett. The magazine’s co-founder, Peter Matthiessen, relied on his affiliation with the magazine as his CIA cover.

Quaker Oats Company. [CIA partner]. Worked with the CIA and Atomic Energy Commission to place trace amounts of radiation in breakfast cereal served to boys at the Fernald School for the mentally retarded in Waltham, Massachusetts.

Radio Corporation of America. [CIA partner]. Provided corporate cover for CIA officers operating abroad, particularly in Iran, Philippines, Japan, and West Germany. Provided technical assistance to CIA-financed clandestine and propaganda radio stations worldwide, including Radio Free Europe. RCA founder David Sarnoff was a major supporter of CIA operations, including propaganda dissemination around the world. RCA chairman and chief executive officer Thornton F. Bradshaw was active in the operations of the CIA-linked American Ditchley Foundation.

Reily Coffee Company. [CIA partner]. Also known as William B. Reily Coffee Company and based in New Orleans, this company employed Lee Harvey Oswald and a number of other U.S. government employees, many of whom were suspected CIA officers.

Robert M. Mullen Company. [CIA proprietary]. A Washington, DC public relations firm, it was used as a front for CIA activities. E. Howard Hunt, the CIA agent, worked for Robert Mullen when he was arrested in the break-in of the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate Hotel in Washington in 1972. The Senate Watergate Committee reported that “the Mullen and Company has maintained a relationship with the Central Intelligence Agency since its incorporation in 1959. It provided covers for agents in Europe (Stockholm), Latin America (Mexico City), and the Far East (Singapore) at the time of the Watergate break-in.”

Rockefeller Foundation. [CIA partner]. Used by the CIA to direct scholarships and grants to the Third World and Eastern Europe. Rockefeller Foundation money was funneled to the American Committee for a United Europe (ACUE), created in 1948. The chairman of ACUE was OSS chief William J. Donovan and the vice chairman was Allen Dulles. One of ACUE’s board members was Walter Bedell Smith, the first CIA director.

Summa Corporation. [CIA partner]. Owned by Howard Hughes, Summa is believed to have skimmed gambling profits from the Sands, Desert Inn, Frontier, Silver Slipper, Castaways, and Landmark casinos in Las Vegas and Harold’s Club in Reno for the CIA and the Mafia. Provided financial cover for the CIA’s Glomar Explorer project.

Teneo Intelligence. [CIA partner]. Branch of Teneo Holdings, which is headquartered in New York. Teneo Holdings’s intelligence branch includes former CIA officials. Teneo is closely linked to former President Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton. Teneo Intelligence has offices in New York, London, Rome, Brussels, Dubai, Bogota, New Delhi, and Tokyo.

Texas Commerce Bank (TCB). [CIA partner]. Houston-based bank founded by the family of James Baker III. Texas Commerce Bank was used to provide commercial cover for CIA agents. After serving as vice president for Texas Commerce Bank in Caracas from 1977 to 1979, Jeb Bush joined his father’s presidential campaign in 1980. Serving with Bush on the campaign was Robert Gambino, the CIA deputy director of security who gave Bush his orientation brief at Langley in 1977.

Kenneth Lay, the chairman of Enron, which had its own links to the CIA, served on the board of Texas Commerce Bank. Texas Commerce Bank was acquired by Chemical Bank in 1987.

The bank provided major loans to Howard Hughes’s Summa Corporation. See Summa Corporation.

United Fruit Company [CIA partner]. Involved in 1954 CIA overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz government in Guatemala. Published the Latin America Report, a publication that was a CIA front used for clandestine activities. The CIA transferred weapons to United Fruit employees in Guatemala who were involved in undermining the Arbenz government. The joint CIA-United Fruit plan was code named OPERATION FORTUNE. Company provided an airfield in Guatemala for the CIA’s training of Cuban exiles for the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba.

U.S. Rubber Company. [CIA partner]. Headquartered in Naugatuck, Connecticut and later called Uniroyal, provided corporate cover to CIA officers operating abroad. Included those operating under the cover of the Dominion Rubber Company of Canada, a subsidiary of U.S. Rubber Company.

U.S. Youth Council (USYC). [CIA front]. Founded in 1945 and based in New York. Some 90 percent of its funds came from the CIA. USYC received funding from the Foundation for Youth and Student Affairs (FYSA), a CIA front. The USYC was composed of American Youth Hostels, Camp Fire Girls, 4-H, American Unitarian Youth, National Catholic Welfare Conference, National Students Assembly, YMCA and YWCA.

Wackenhut. [CIA contractor]. Wackenhut, a Palm Beach Gardens, Florida-based security firm, stood accused of providing the CIA with specialized services around the world, including Chile, Greece, and El Salvador. Its Venezuelan branch, Wackenhut Venezolana, C.A., was accused in 2002 of involvement in the CIA’s coup against President Hugo Chavez. William Casey served as Wackenhut’s outside counsel before becoming CIA director in 1981.

Wackenhut eventually merged into the global security firm G4S.

Washington Post. [CIA partner]. The Washington Post was part of the CIA’s Operation MOCKINGBIRD, the agency’s media influence project. Post publisher Phil Graham was a close friend and associate of MOCKINGBIRD chief Frank Wisner, Sr. and CIA director Allen Dulles. Wisner assisted Graham in acquiring The Washington Times-Herald and WTOP radio, creating a sizable CIA-influenced media operation in the nation’s capital.

W. R. Grace. [CIA partner]. Provided corporate cover to CIA officers operating abroad, particularly in Latin America. Provided donations to CIA front foundations.

  • News story about Madsen's book via The Justice Integrity Project

  •           SÍ, HAY UN PAÍS QUE SE LLAMA FILIPINAS...        

    ¿Para qué sirve un reinado de belleza? Los reinados son muy útiles porque no sirven para nada. Nos sirven para no pensar... y bueno nos enseñan que existe Filipinas y que queda en Asia. Dan espectáculo, enseñan que Confucio se inventó la confusión (Señorita Panamá 2009) "y también del mismo y en el sentido contrario" (Señorita Antioquia 2008). Y los reinados nos recuerdan que "estamos para darnos cariño, para darnos amor" (Señorita Antioquia 2008). Esto tratando de emular un sistema de citas digno de los reinados. Claro pero tienen la utilidad de trascender la psicología geográfica mundial... ¿En serio hay un país que se llama Filipinas? La gente en Colombia -quizás en el mundo- aprende de geopolítica, geografía e historia haciendo chismografía sobre reinados de belleza. Así que más allá del reinado y del "ese país existe" hablemos de Filipinas...

    Geografía psicológica de las tragedias

    Geografía Filipina y Sistema Político...
    Sí gente que en común padece una arbitrariedad llamada Colombia, hay un país que se llama Filipinas, son 7107 islas al sur del mar de China y al norte de Malasia e Indonesia. En total ocupan un área de 300.000 Km2 y su población es de 100 millones de habitantes. Fueron colonia española y de Estados Unidos. Idiomas oficiales Tagalo e Inglés, pero hablan otros como el Cebuano (que allá conocen como Bisaya). Entre sus islas se transportan en ferry. 
    Mapa de Filipinas
    Política y economía...
    Filipinas tiene la mitad del ingreso per cápita de Colombia.  Su moneda el Peso Filipino PHP es alrededor de 70 COP. El Peso Colombiano se ha devaluado también frente al PHP. Pero en todo caso, los salarios en Filipinas siguen siendo inferiores a los de Colombia. En general me parece un país barato. Al igual que Colombia el excesivo presupuesto público en Filipinas también desaparece. ¿Por qué? Porque al igual que en Colombia en Filipinas los políticos son "honestos"... Sin embargo, en Filipinas los únicos ricos son los políticos que "honestamente" se aprovechan del Pondo público. Bueno, las celebridades también tienen plata allá...

    Tienen una economía altamente proteccionista que prácticamente prohíbe los negocios de los extranjeros. Ningún extranjero puede adquirir propiedad raíz. Los casos comunes de jurisprudencia en propiedad es si un extranjero que compra a través de un filipino pueden transferir legítimamente propiedad a un tercero. Lo que, contrario a mis amigos de izquierda, es para mí la razón por la cual no tienen el desarrollo de Hong Kong, Singapur o Malasia. Filipinas es uno de los pocos países que no le exige Visa a los colombianos...claro si no siguen poniendo estupideces en redes sociales. Por culpa de algunos colombianos es que a otros nos da vergüenza mostrar el pasaporte. 

    Esa arbitrariedad llamada estado también genera problemas políticos en Asia. Hay un problema de aguas territoriales como Colombia. Colombia lo tiene con Nicaragua, algo la verdad relativamente fácil de lidiar. Pero ¿con quién tiene ese diferendo limítrofe Filipinas? ¡Con China! Un país conquistador y con un poder fuerte. En Filipinas por su pobreza y pequeño ejército tienen miedo al imperialismo del gobierno Chino. Por eso la pregunta de las bases militares. 

    ¿Actitud conspirativa...?
    Contrario a la cultura colombiana, en Filipinas no ven robos improvisados en cada esquina. Para ellos básicamente se trató de una situación muy incómoda, y un error de buena fe lo que pasó en el reinado. Si fuera lo contrario ¿cómo sería la actitud de este país sudaca?

    Cultura y religión...
    Los filipinos tienen un respeto por los mayores, algo común en la cultura asiática. A todo hombre mayor se le dice kuya y a toda mujer mayor ate. Su lenguaje utilizando la palabra po cambia a una expresión más educada. Por ejemplo, Salamat po es más educado que sólo salamat. Eso significa "gracias". En Colombia no hay respeto por los mayores sino por los cartones...

    Algunas palabras o curiosidades

    Kumustá ... Viene el español ¿Cómo está? Y es el saludo.
    Paki Significa por favor
    Pagbati Significa "feliticationes"
    Ako ay mula sa Kolombiya: Significa soy de Colombia en Tagalo.
    Paano mo sabihin? Cómo se dice?
    Mahal kita... Te quiero o te amo...
    Oo Sí
    Hindi No
    Ang babae Mujer
    Ang lalaki hombre
    Ang pusa Gato
    Ang tubig agua
    Ang = el/la/los/las
    ng= de (de pertenencia)
    sa= de (de procedencia)

    Es un idioma en el que uno ve muchas a, muchas m y n, muchas g y muchas p. Tienen una letra que es la ng que para mí suena como una ñ, aunque para ellos es más dulce.

    Es quizás el único país mayoritariamente cristiano de Asia con amplia influencia católica, aunque hay otras iglesias...

    Es muy curioso porque la influencia española en Filipinas duró más que en Colombia. ¿Por qué no hablan entonces español? ¿Por qué conservaron sus idiomas regionales pero aceptaron la religión? Si los españoles eran... lo que todo el mundo piensa... ¿No debería ser Filipinas un país donde se hablara español? 

    ¿Qué piensan de Colombia?
    Pero tranquilos que en Filipinas también desconocen de Colombia. Pero, a diferencia de Filipinas, Colombia es un país mucho más "x". Ellos creen que latinoamérica es como México. Aunque tienen razón porque latinoamérica es mera telenovela. Empezando por la política colombiana entre Uribe y Santos. Semejante divorcio no habría podido ser anticipado por ningún guionista mexicano. Y pase a Venezuela con Maduro y sus llantos "ya no les doy casa porque han roto mi corazón. A quien mi comandante nombró desde su corazón". Siga con Ecuador y "van a matar al Presidente". Y sobre latinoamérica no entienden el chiste de que el papa es el único Argentino humilde jajaja...

    También insisten en que hay una gran diferencia entre los ojos de los asiáticos. Claro, de la misma manera que no somos mexicanos. No es lo mismo los ojos de un chino, de un japonés y de un coreano... Ni los de un rolo... Para nosotros todos son chinos. Encuentre las diferencias...

    En Colombia pensamos que Manila es el componente de un sobre. No, Manila es la capital de Filipinas. El sobre efectivamente es hecho con cáñamo que se cultivaba en la región de Manila.

    A diferencia del orgullo de acá, ellos creen que las mujeres latinas son las más bonitas. ¿Por qué? ¡Porque suelen ganarse los reinados de belleza! Y puede que Ariadna no haya quedado de primera, pero había dos colombianas en ese escenario...

    En fin... qué importa quién gane el reinado. Hay mujeres lindas aquí y allá, 17.000 km de distancia, idiomas, culturas, creencias y economía deben unirnos en aquel gran trasfondo de humanidad. Somos humanos, dejemos de compararnos y recordemos como dijo la señorita Antioquia "estamos para darnos cariño, para darnos amor". Que Confucio no invente la confusión y conozcamos más allá de las diferencias las similitudes que tienen dos países tan extraños como Colombia y Filipinas...  

              Soberanía: sus verdaderas implicaciones.        
    La soberanía, un "constructo" que se come al individuo.
    Luego de que ciertos personajes que rara vez han tenido el sol en el cenit, en oficinas oscuras en Europa, hayan determinado "quitar" una cierta porción de mar a Colombia al Norte de San Andrés, se revela ese "constructo" de nación, de estado y de soberanía. El tema está bastante de moda, y probablemente, en otras oficinas en la fría capital de Colombia, con pieles no bronceadas y que quizás ni conocen ese pedazo de mar, se discute el impacto que tiene sobre "la soberanía nacional". Toda clase de reacciones se escuchan al respecto, bueno en general el sentimiento es de rechazo, hasta para mí, supuestamente que no creo en esas cosas.

    El problema para mí se resume básicamente en que las fronteras, Colombo-Nicaragüense en este caso, son "constructos" como dice Alias Aristóteles, que en últimas revelan ficciones. ¿El estado existe? Efectivamente, pero no es más que poder brutal organizado, sin más legitimidad que la que tendría una banda de ladrones, sicarios o terroristas. ¿Cómo comparas la bandera y la nación con ladrones? No sé si sean más buenos o más malos, eso a mí no me compete, lo que sí son es única e igualmente ilegítimos, más "visajosos", más usuales en mi vida y con una mentira mejor montada. Pero hay políticos de buena fe, sí, también hay ladrones, sicarios, terroristas de buena fe, ¿Qué tanto pesa la intención? Este poder brutal organizado es limitante.

    La palabra frontera es sinónimo de límite y es bastante curioso que se llame igual la división entre Colombia y Venezuela, como la división del territorio de las bandas de sicarios de Medellín. Ambas fronteras. Dicen que las de los combos o bandas son "invisibles", pero ¿alguien ha visto el meridiano 82? ¿en qué parte del río Táchira entre Villa del Rosario y San Antonio del Táchira hay una línea que separe como en los mapas? La carrera 90 puede ser tan visible o tan invisible como frontera que el río Táchira. El que haya visto el meridiano 82 debe estar bastante trabado y confundir la tierra con el mapa de la misma. Algo así hacen los poderes, nos hacen confundir la tierra con el dibujo que hizo un poderoso de la misma.

    Pero todo este dolor "patrio" por la pérdida de una franja de mar al norte de San Andrés, es un poco irónico la verdad. ¿Sentimos la misma "patria" en una vuelta en la DIAN? ¿Por qué las empresas han de dar el 33% de su renta líquida al estado? ¿Por la misma razón que nos duele la pérdida de "mar territorial" que la mayoría ni siquiera conocemos? ¿Cómo puede pertenecernos algo sobre el cuál ni remotamente ejercemos dominio? ¿Por qué alguien dibujó en un mapa, de forma más o menos arbitraria, que un lugar pertenecía a un país, lo hace suyo? ¿Dominio eminente? ¿Por qué? Si es así ¡qué buena forma de adquirir, dibujaré que la luna es mía y procederé a cobrar tributos cada que la miren!

    El caso es que la "patria" no existe, es un concepto arbitrario. Nietzsche al respecto habla más bien de la "hijatria" o el lugar que vamos a dejarle a nuestros hijos, esto lo decía con sarcasmo, quizás para negar lo adsurdo del concepto. Ese concepto de "patria" únicamente sirve para legitimar abusos. ¿Qué clase de abusos? Un señor nace en Nicaragua y otro a pocas millas náuticas en San Andrés, ¿Por qué el San Andresano no puede pescar en aguas "nicaragüenses" y el Nicaragüense en aguas Colombianas? Por ese "bello" y anquilosado concepto de soberanía que cree en nosotros el prejuicio que esas "aguas" son "nuestras". Por esa idea que tenemos en la cabeza, que es parte del dominio intelectual que ejerce el estado en nosotros a través de la educación, es que un pescador tiene esa limitación. 

    La naturaleza funciona de manera diferente un cardúmen de peces vive al vaivén de su alimento, alimento que un día estará más acá del meridiano 82 o más allá del mismo. La naturaleza de un buen pescador creería yo, no es la de portar una bandera en su bote, es la de seguir las mareas, corrientes marinas, los amaneceres y atardeceres y dirigirse allí para pescar con sus redes y sus estrategias. Sin embargo, la natural inclinación del trabajo del pescador, se ve truncada por "constructos" como el de soberanía. "Constructos" en la que creen una serie de burócratas en la Haya y se imaginan que con eso están salvando el mundo, mientras mantienen las ideas que limitan la pesca de unos seres humanos. Querido amigo pescador isleño, ¡pesque donde Haya, no donde le diga la Haya! Esto es un desafío, un día habrá en "Colombia" y otro día en "Nicaragua" y lo importante no es creer en la bandera, es hacer bien su trabajo.

    Por más que haya rechazo a todo lo que signifique Nicaragua, y que me linchen, el mismo derecho a pescar donde le plazca lo tiene el "Nicaragüense" que el "Colombiano". Un derecho que le nace porque los peces libres no son de nadie, por eso el primero que los encuentre y los aproveche se hará su dueño. Los Nicaragüenses son mis amigos, como lo puede ser cualquier ser humano. Me disgusta el presidente de Nicaragua, pero no porque sea nicaragüense, como la mayoría de la gente que me cae mal es de Colombia pero no me cae mal por ser colombiana. 

    La verdadera implicación de la soberanía es la frontera, frontera que limita, aliena e impone una serie de criterios arbitrarios que no son acordes con la naturaleza. Eso lo vemos claramente en los pescadores que de aquí o de allá deben pescar donde les plazca, no donde los "constructos" o imaginarios sobre cómo se divide la tierra. Ese "mar territorial" que nos duele, no es más que el dolor de que nos limiten en vez de limitar, pero es tan injusto limitar como que nos limiten. El prejuicio que nos crea la "patria" es lo que nos limita en negocios, amistades, acciones, nos limita a ser humanos más que ser un invento "colombianos". Invento que es bastante ridículo y teatral como reconocía el filósofo Fernando González, aun considerando la patria como una posibilidad. El "constructo" de Colombia ni si quiera es autóctono, es lo que decía Fernando González aún considerando esa posibilidad de patria. Finalmente, esos niños de la Haya creen que jugando con esos "constructos" e imaginarios limitantes, que nada tienen que ver con la verdadera naturaleza humana, evitan guerras, cuando la verdad es que sus ideas acerca del poder están más cercanas a la idea de clan, combo, masa ridícula, asociación de cazadores, no sé, esas ideas de películas con clanes y masas que con aquellas que van con la libertad, la justicia, el derecho natural y el desarrollo.

              Comment on Banners Design for Mobile Unlock Base by MichaelImmed        
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              Cel putin 37 de morti din cauza intemperiilor din America Centrala        
    Ploile torentiale inregistrate in zona Americii Centrale de la inceputul saptamanii au provocat moartea a 37 de persoane, alte 70.000 fiind sinistrate. In Guatemala, cel mai grav afectata de intemperii, au fost inregistrate 22 de decese, in Nicaragua - sapte, in Salvador - sase, iar in Honduras -...
              Congregación de Hermanas Josefinas de México        




    Nuestra Misión esta inspirada en el misterio de Nazareth teniendo como modelos a María Santísima y a San José como nuestros padres y Jesús como esposo. Nuestra atención está dirigida a la niñez y la juventud especialmente la más necesitada,

    Las hermanas josefinas te invitamos a vivir esta experiencia misionera en todos sectores en especial los más vulnerables de la sociedad en diferentes paises: México, Estados Unidos, Nicaragua, el Salvador, Costa Rica, Venezuela, Puerto Rico, Chile y las misiones en Angola.

              World: Food Assistance Outlook Brief, August 2017        
    Source: Famine Early Warning System Network
    Country: Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, World, Yemen, Zambia, Zimbabwe

    This brief summarizes FEWS NET’s most forward-looking analysis of projected emergency food assistance needs in FEWS NET coverage countries. The projected size of each country’s acutely food insecure population is compared to last year and the recent five-year average. Countries where external emergency food assistance needs are anticipated are identified. Projected lean season months highlighted in red indicate either an early start or an extension to the typical lean season. Additional information is provided for countries with large food insecure populations, an expectation of high severity, or where other key issues warrant additional discussion.

              iTunes Match launches in 19 more countries, shows Latin America some love from the cloud        
    iTunes MatchOnce Apple let the iTunes Match genie out of the bottle it has actually been pretty quick to spread the love to our international friends. Australia, Canada, the UK and a host of other European nations came online last month, now a sizable chunk of Latin America (along with a few EU stragglers) are joining the party. In total, 19 new countries were added to the list this week, headlined by Central and South American nations like Argentina, Guatemala, Venezuela and Nicaragua. With a few Eastern Block countries, including Lithuania and Latvia, also being added to the list, Apple has increased the total number states where iTunes Match is available to 37. Now Apple just has to start getting a few of the Asian and African areas where the iPhone is available on board and it can officially call Match a global service. To see if your country is invited hit up the more coverage link.
              iPhone in 29 new countries; unlocked in Hong Kong        

    Our sister site Engadget reports that Apple is now offering unlocked iPhones in Hong Kong via its online store. HK$5,500 (≈ US$700) will buy you an 8GB model, HK$6,200 (≈ US$800) gets you 16GB.

    The Apple Store's terms and conditions limit sales to individuals in Hong Kong only, but who knows what the gray market will bring.

    Three Russian carriers will also begin selling unlocked iPhones on October 3, with the 8GB model selling for over US$900.

    In related news, 29 new countries will begin selling the iPhone, some today: Botswana, Brazil, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Croatia, Dominican Republic, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Jordan, Kenya, Latvia, Lithuania, Madagascar, Mali, Malta, Mauritius, Nicaragua, Niger, Panama, Qatar, Senegal, South Africa, Turkey and Venezuela.

    [Via IGM.]

              MMI-LAC Nicaragua: Día de la Niñez y Adolescencia de las Américas        
    Compartimos el Pronunciamiento elaborado por niñas, niños y adolescentes que integran el MMI-LAC capítulo Nicaragua en el Marco del día de la Niñez y la Adolescencia de las Américas celebrado el 09 de Junio de 2017. PRONUNCIAMIENTO MOVIMIENTO MUNDIAL POR LA INFANCIA DE LATINOAMERICA Y EL CARIBE- CAPÍTULO NICARAGUA “Día de la Niñez y Adolescencia […]
              Amikor én még kislány voltam...        
    Hahaha igen. Voltam kislány is. A Tomival csináltunk egy ilyen pronóvideót. Az oka az volt hogy azoknak akik bele lettek kényszerítve a szexiparba vagy feladatot végeztek nekünk azoknak legyen pszichikai támasz erre az időre amikor kezdenek kiderülni a dolgok.
    Mint például a tejes srác kislányai... de az egy még összetetteb történet.
    A nagyobbik kislányt beépítetttük még akkor amikor kevesen voltunk hogy bizonyítékot gyűjtsön egy pedofil körről akik kívül estek a "hivatalos" rendszer látóköréből. Ezt úgy kellett megtervezni hogy legyen takarítás is utána tehát a kislány úgy jöjjön ki ebből hogy ne sérüljön vagy inkább - mivel ez lehetetlen - a sérülés a legkisebb mértékű legyen és fel legyen dolgozva.
    De a kislány anyukája is benne volt ebben a maskarabálban kurvaként. Szégyellte amit műveltek vele ezért soha nem beszélt erről hangosan annak ellenére hogy intettem őket hogy erre szükség van. Ezért a libás tojásárussal és az apjukkal együtt megbeszéltük, hogy rajtuk keresztül bizonyítani fogom az összes többi számára hogy ezek a dolgok kizárólag akkor fognak megszűnni és kerülnek feldolgozásra amikor hangos élő beszéddel kimondják őket. Amíg ez nem történik meg addig a tudat alatt fejtik ki hatásukat és a következő nemzedék meg fogja ismételni az egészet. És ez hatalmas probléma, mert nem csak a nemi kilengéseket fogják megismételni hanem újraépítik az egész szeméthegyet öntudatlanul amíg a szülők nem hajlandók szégyenből vagy félelemből nyítlan beszélni legalább a család  és a szűk megbízható kör előtt. De sokszor elég az is ha csak a levegőbe beszélnek hangosan mert abban a pillanatban gyengül a tudat felett való ereje az ilyesminek.
    Ezért a "kapaszkodj a kannába" volt az emlékeztető amit a tojásárus mondott nekem akkor amikor építettünk valamit és én vittem egy kannát. A kisebbik lány is belekerült ebbe a gödörbe és úgy is maradt mert nála nem volt megtervezett gyógyír és felépülési szakasz ami segít a természetes mederbe visszaevezni a feladat után. Ezért kellett ekkora pofont adnom neki, mert használta a női nemi vnzóerőt és rettenetesen erős a kislány - amivel hatalmas veszélyt vont magára öntudatlanul. Rengeteg a hulladék tudatú még a szexsátánista vonalon kontrollált ember odakinn. A szexsátánizmus legalább olyan erős mint a vérsátánizmus.
    Szóval a kislánynak kellett ez a pofon hogy észrevegye magát és megérezze a veszélyt még azelőtt mielőtt nagyobb baj történik. Most az anyjuknak és az apjuknak tiszta vizet kell önteni a pohárba és beszélniük kell hangosan arról hogy mi volt és hogyan történt.
    A tojásárusról jut eszembe hogy a liba - annak egyi őse - akkoriban egyszer náluk voltam és szólt nekem hogy szeretné megölelni a gyerekeket. Nem akarta elhinni. De a liba elmondta hogy látta mi hogyan csináljuk ezt és naki isnagyon jó érzés. Szeretné kipróbálni. A gyerekek akik ot voltak kipróbálták és a liba megölelte őket. Széttárta a szárnyait és rájuk zárta. Onnantól neki szabad bejárása lett a házba is. :-D
    Szexsátánizmus. Szóval kellett valamit kitalálnom azoknak akik feladatot teljesítettek és úgy kerültek bele a szexiaprba olyan dolgokat művelve ami nagyon megterhelő. Ezért készült az a felvétel amin kislánynak maszkolva leszopom a mrgreent. Ja hát nekem megalázó volt csak a gondolata is én soha nem vonzódtam az ellenkező nemhez és az állatokhoz sem nemi viszonylatban. Ez mind feladat volt.
    Azt tudtam hogy miután visszatérek az ereeti egészséges mederbe akkor utálni fogom azokat akik a természetes nemi érdeklődést manipulálják és akiket ilyen módon manipuláltak mert kaphatóak voltak erre. Ezek az emebrek mind a sátánista befolyás hatása alatt állnak mind a vérsátánista mind a szexsátánista erők tudják őket befolyásolni. Viszont sok egészséges irányultságú ember is benne volt ebben mint pl a srác aki george michaelt játszotta. Ő is a nőkhöz vonzódik. És feladatot teljesített.
    Pisti. A Pisti egy fegyver. Olyan iszonyatos ereje van amit nehéz elviselni. Szinte minden élőlényt képes manipulálni hogy a célszemély vagy élőlény körül támadjon. Persze kizárólag azokat képes erre rávenni akik átestek valamilyen a szex vagy a vérsátánizmushoz kötődő beavatáson, traumán amivel irányíthatóvá tették őket. Azokat nem képes irányítani akik ez alól ki tudtak szabadulni vagy soha nem estek át ilyesmin.
    A havas Henrik azért írta meg a szexipar elbrutalizálódásáról azt a könyvet - az irányító triggereivel együtt a saját hálózatának amivel nyomst helyezett erre a területre a jó irány eléréséért - mert a a Pistit vezérlő három nőt sikerült bevonni a kiképzésünkbe és kezdett emelkedni a tudat-szintjuk kezdtek megfordulni.
    A Varga Pistiről is tudtam mindent a kezdetektől mert az ÖReg elmondott mindent. De sokáig tűrnöm kellett, mert a hálózat többi része számára be kellett bizonyítanom hogy ő csinálja ezt és hogyan csinálja és ki irányítja. Az egyik nő ott volt a cba-nál tegnap - ő mondta ezt hogy "ő a nagymester, most már csak a triggerbeültetésen kell átesnie"; a másikkal a futrinka utca végénél találkoztam bringával ment el mellettem, a harmadik pedig a főigazgató nő a könyvtárból. Ő volt a legkegyetlenebb.
    A Psitit azért kellett gyakorlatilag péppé vernem, mert amikor kezdett emelkedni a szint egyre többen megtudták hogy mire képes és egyre többen irányították ellenem.
    De a Pisti maga tényleg segíteni akart és amikor elvittük kiképzésre fejlődött is mert követte belül az iránymutatásokat. Az ÖReg azért kínozta meg és rakott mögé három távirányítót, mert a Pisti nem egy nagy értelmű ember és nem látja át olyan pontosan az összefüggéseket. Ezért nem irányíthatta eme különleges pszichés képességét önmaga. Kellett mellé valaki aki kontrollálja és helyette eldönti hogy ki legyen a célpont.
    A mechanikája egyszerű volt. Meg kellett neki adni a célszemélyt vagy élőlényt és ő ráirányította az erejét. Az Öreg sok mindent megpróbált vele - és higyjétek el hogy ez azt jelenti hogy mindent megpróbált - azért hogy az erejét gyógyításra is lehessen használni. Nem sikerült. Nem tudta megoldani. Nem volt rá megoldás.
    Amikor megvertem azért hogy kimondja és az Öreg vészkapcsolójával le tudjam állítani amikor rám irányítják, akkor már tudtam hogy a figyelők is fejlődtek. Felépítettem egy triggert hogy amikor legalább az egyik irányítója eljut arra a szintre hogy önállóan is dönteni tudjon és ellen tudjon szegülni a sátánista irányítknak az ő háta mögött - mert az irányítói lánc ott még nem ér véget... - akkor vertem meg. Tudtam hogy a halál küszöbéig kell eltolnom ahhoz hogy valamelyik lépjen és megengeje neki hogy kimondja azt amit ki akarok vele mondatni. A Vágó István alias Vágó Pisti VP Varga Pisti VP volt a lánc másik végén. Az ő kezére volt bízva a Varga Psiti mint fegyver. Ő állt a háttérben. Ő akkor már kiadta az utasítást hogy a Psiti nem kerülhet más kezébe és ha ő nem tudja irányítani akkor hagyják meghalni. A főigazgató és a másik hagyta volna meghalni, de az aki a futrinkánál cangázott az már odáig fejlődött hogy ő kihívta a mentőket. A Psiti már félig ájult volt a fájdalomtól akkor már nem hozzá beszéltem hanem a figyelő-irányítókhoz: "Ha 30 percen belül nem ér ide a pistihez a mentő akkor meghal." Ezt azért csináltam, hogy lebukjon legalább egy közülük és legyen bizonyíték rá hogy ő az. Sajnos egészen addig a pontig el kellett mennem a hentes munkában hogy a hagyományos a köznép számára elérhető sebészeti gondozás már nem volt neki elég, de gondoskodtam arról - apu gondoskodott róla - hogy itt legyen a közelben az Öreg orvosa és be tudjon avatkozni. Persze akkor mindjárt ment a pletyka arról is hogy meg akartam ölni a pistit és a szabolcs akkor ki is nyomozta hogy tényleg én vertem félholtra. Akkor még nem értette hogy miért csináltam ezt, mert ő akkor még nem tapasztalta meg és vigyáztam is arra hogy ne kerüljön a fókuszba mert nem bírta volna ki sokáig. Szeretett mozizni és jól is csinálta de nem mehetett azért hogy ezt elkerülje. Egyébként lebukott volna és ha bekerül a fókuszba megőrül. Most már pontosan tudja miről is van szó.
    Azért is jó hogy a pisi megmaradt mert nagyon jó kényszerítő eszköz. Nem kell annyit ölnünk ha ő segít nekünk. :-D A havas már tudja most megtanulja a többi is.
    A tervem pedig az volt hogy a pistivel is eléretjük a legmagasabb szintet a kiképzésben és amikor már eléri akkor kiadja a saját kezéből a saját tudata tökéletlenségeinek kontrollja alól a tehetségét és átadja egy minden emberi hatalomnál nagyobb erőnek az irányítást és mindent amit csinál a közös célunk alá rendel - akkor már nem kell félnünk attól hogy ki akarja irányítani mert a képessége ott és akkor fog aktiválódni amikor a célunk eléréséhez ez szükséges és ez a nem emberi hatalom ezt szükségesnek tartja.
    Viszont közben bekészítettem egy csapatot arra az esetre ha a szabit teljesen megőrjítené hogy kiiktassa ráadásul azzal az utasítással hogy senkire ne hallgassanak csak arra akit régőta ismernek és a mienk és hangos élő beszéddel kimondja hogy miért nem szabad a pistit megölni. Apu vállalta hogy közbelép és leállítja őket.
    Persze a Vágó psiti és csapata nagyon akarták hogy ez a fegyver ne kerülhessen a kezünkbe soha ezért nagyon akarták hogy mi pusztítsuk el. Apu közben szervezett mind a három grácia mind ő köré egy követő és védő csapatot hogy életben maradhassanak és fejlődhessenek. Persze ők mindig visszafogták a pistit egésze mostanáig.
    Az informatikus srácnak a főigazgató nő mondta hogy lopja ki a pénzemet a számlámról és tegye utána vissza, mert neki is ez volt a parancsa hogy lopja el a pénzemet. Ezt én tanácsoltam neki mert így mondhatta hogy ő megcsinálta elopta a pénzemet és teljesítette a feladatot. Viszont nem károsított meg. Tudatosan szabotálta a dolgot. Az informatius gyerekre ezért haragudtam meg azért is mert ezt csak nyílt tisztázással tudta feloldani és ő se akart beszélni. Neki azt mondta a főigazgató hogy ez egy jelzés nekem.
    A Vágó Pistinek megmutattam hogy mit kell megcsinálniuk milyen levelet kell írniuk nekem hogyan tudják kiváltani paksot és egy csomó mindent részletesen. Ő tudja mi jön ezután. Ha nem teszi meg akkor a pisti majd ösztökélni fogja őket... :-D Ő is a lavírozó közé tartozott és meg kellett várnia hogy itt rendződjenek a dolgok. Ha megcsinálja akkor ő is visszakerülhet a rend tagjai közé addig nem. A természet rendje. Pontos ütemterve van és részletesen elmagyráztam neki mindent.
    A fasszopó és picsanyaló kurvák meg maradnak fasszopó picsanyaló kurvák és én állattal soha nem szexeltem arra még a legbrutálisabb kondícionáló csapat se tudott rávenni ott szakad el a cérna amikor bevezetett valaki egy kecskét hogy kecskés pornót csináljanak velem.
    Volt ott egyébként egy srác közöttük akit én építettem be oda - mocskos volt és nem kapott komoly kiképzést csak felhasználtam - de pontosan akkor segített amikor kellett és egy leheletnyivel lehalkítota a hangerőt ami lehetővé tette hogy végiggondoljam mi történt addig és mit tudtam meg és mit tegyek. Ezért tudtam kitörni onnan. "De Peti és mi van ha a végtelenségig ott tartanak abban az erőtlen agynélküli állapotban?" (mert a folyamatos hangos zenével kifársztják az agyat annyira hogy nem vagy képes gondolkodni sem) "Arra az esetre felkészültem és akkor meg fogom ölni mind amikor ez elér egy bizonyos szintet hogy a feladatom végrehajtását veszélyeztetné." Ezért azt a srácot később életben hagyattam a többiekkel. Akkor meg kellett ígérnem az Öregek hogy ott akkor nem ölöm meg őket csak ha az életemre törnek. Viszont ez az ígéret nem vonatkozott arra az esetre ha esetleg később megint megtámadnak és "játszani" akarnának velem. Tudtam hogy meg fogják próbálni mert hülyék voltak és a szarházikat szolgálták. Azok meg rámuszították őket. Ők már nem jönnek velünk az új világba.
    A gömi beöltözött zitának... kedvem lett volna megkérdezni tőle hogy őt zitának hívják-e? Csak hogy tudjam még mindig aképembe hazudna-e... szerintem megtette volna. Így van?
    A Házasság intézménye is ennek a régi rendnek a találmánya persze sok száz éves már... azért lett ez is kitalálva hogy a természetes emberi kapcsolatokat kontroll (ellenőrzés és irányítás) alá vonják persze főként anyagi indokok mentén de szintén a pszichikai oldalról is.
    Ugyanezzel a módszerrel éltek a nemiség természetes alapjaival kapcsolatban. Ezt is felforgatták és tönkretették. Azért dokumentáltam az utolsó még a természet rendje szerint működő emberi közösségeket - és azért tették ezeket is tönkre a szarházik - hogy legyen még példa arra hogyan ment ez régen. Ezt már leírtam. A közös kajiba használata és az ajándék szerepe a jelzés hogy megkívánt valaki valakit. Fekete törzs volt. Keressétek vissza.
    A Bernie ecclestone-t is egy ilyen kislány kapta el és gyűjtött bizonyítékot arra hogy pedofil. Azóta ő is fejlődött és változott. Az ő feladata az volt hogy jóvátételként építse meg az elektromos autót olyan módon hogy az jobb legyen mint bármilyen benzines vagy diesel autó. Teher és személy mindegyiket meg kellett csinálnia. Gyártási tervek. Az árának is lejjeb kellett mennie mint a benzines autóknál a feltöltés idejét is le kellett szorítania legalább annyira vagy még gyorsabbra mint egy tankolás ideje és a hatótávolságot is jobbra kellett megcsinálnia. De a legjobb ha önfeltöltősre csinálja meg... úgy ahogy én csináltam.
    Ezzel kiválthatjuk a robbanómotort és megmenthetjük a levegőt hogy tudjunk levegőt venni később is.
    A gömi egyébként a legdurvább módon kapta meg mind a vérsátánista majd onnan kiszakítva a saját anyja által a szexsátánista beavatást és triggereket...
    "Különben elkalapállak..." ez volt az emlékeztető a pisti verésével kapcsolatban. Egy kalapáccsal törtem el a csontjait. Azért használtam kalapácsot, mert ha kézzel ütöm abba beledöglött volna én ugyanis nem izomból ütök hanem a pszichés erőmet használom attól olyan erősek az ütéseim. A kalapáccsal jobban tudam szabályozni mekkorát üssek és hova. Akkor iszonyú dühömben megöltem volna ha kézzel ütöm. "A gyerek érti a dolgát, nem okozott a Pistinek olyan sérülést amiből ne tudott volna teljesen felépülni és belehalt volna." Nyugtatta meg az Öreg az akkor felkorbácsolt kedélyeket.
    Persze most is van egy csomó akik a pisti tudatára akarják tenni a mocskos iránytó mechanizmusukat - de erre is felállítottunk egy csapatot akik őket megtalálják.
    Egy technikai csapat is részt vett abban a folyamatban most hogy megpróbáljanak minket itt és főleg engem ráuszítani a pistire. Ezért nem hagytak aludni megint éjjel hogy az alváshiány és a bosszantás együtt elvégezze ezt a munkát.
    A general motors azért volt az első adakozók között a közös számlánkra, mert nekik fejlesztettem egy csomó villanymotort. Mindenféle fajtát. kicsit nagyot, steppert, háromfázisút, egyenáram váltóáram stb... kis teljesítményűt, nagy teljesítményűt a legkisebb fogyasztással. A végén megkérdezték hogy mennyit kérek mindezért. Azt mondtam hogy fizessenek annit amennyit megér nekik ez a dolog és megadtam a közös számlánkat hogy ide utalják a pénzt. Hatalmas összeget küldtek. Persze azért hazudtam nekik mert ők elfelejtették említeni hogy a mieink. De jól jött ki, mert azonnal felismerték hogy ez az a számla. Ezért nyomták meg az összeget.
    Az állatok nem a varga hatására jöttek oda hozzám. Ezt apuval leellenőriztettem. Amikor a mézegeret vettem fel. Hozott satelit elérést és megmutattam neki hogy csinálom. Kis kerek szemű jószág. Előtte meditálok és megkérdem az állatokat és a növényeket hogy valaki akar e segíteni abban hogy megmetsük a bolygónkat és az embereknek hajlandó-e megmutatni azt hogy hogyan eszik, hol alszik, hol pihen stb hogy jobban megismerjék őket és ezáltal jobban kötődjenek a természethez. Ezután elindultam valahová valamerre amerre és figyeltem jelentkezik-e valaki van-e mozgás. nem miinden állat reagált de néha volt egy kettő. Néha egy se amikor a pisti rámakaszkodott akkor azt aki segített nekem azt is támadták - mint amikor a fekete farkast vettem fel és tanítottam pocokra vadászni ő küldte oda a sakálokat hogy ellopják tőle. Mondtam hogy most már legalább tudja hogyan kell és amikor nem leszek itt majd egyedül megoldja.
    Szóval amikor előjött egy mézegér és megmutatta hogyan eszik: "Nézd hát csak nyújtogatom a kis nyelvemet és ráragad a virágpor." "Mi nem bántunk senkit sem, csak néha nagyon kevés a virág..."
    Szóval akkor mondtam apunak hogy kérdezze meg a Pistit mit csinál. "Hát hasogatom a fát a kertben..." Megnézte satelliten és tényleg azt csinálta. "Irányítottál valamit a Péterre mostanában?" "Nem. Mér kell? Csináljam?" "Nem dehogyis..."
    De ha eléri a legfelső szintet a kiképzésben még jöhetnek meglepetések miután a külső kontroll lepattan róla és eltöltött pár évet a felépülésben... szerintem akkor be fog indulni a másik oldal is nála, mint oly sokaknál akik korábban a pusztító oldalon játszottak...
    A masa gyuri meg beöltözött juhász norbinak.... hahaha a mozi maga jó... o o o ó... ő tanítja a biológiát a kiképzésen...
    Ja körbe fogott mindenki mindenkit... ezért nem lehetett megbontani ennek a foshordának az egységét sehogy és azért rohant a vesztébe vég nélküli önpusztításban...
    Szóval könnyebbség azoknak akik lemerültek a mocsoktengerbe: ha feladatod volt akkor meg fogsz könnyebbülni és ha kimondod hangosan akkor már senki nem tud ezzel bántani elveszti az erejét a támadás és a legfontosabb: a következő nemzedéknek már nem kell ezt végigcsinálnia!!! Ez a legfontosabb. Önmagadnak és nekik tartozol a hagnos beszéddel és hidd el - lehet hogy először rádtör a szégyen és a félelem ettól mit fognak majd szólni, de azok akik bántani akarnak még mindig a mocsokfürdőben pancsolnak te pedig előremozdítottad mindannyiunk sorsát a pozitív irányba. Több vagy mint ezek a beugató távirányított agynélküli fasszopók és picsanyalók. Vannak sokan akik sérültek annyira hogy nem képesek nemi örömre egy ellenkező neművel. A természet lehetősvé teszi hogy azonos neművel éldd át a nemi gyönyört. Viszont azzal tisztában kell lenned hogy ez nem a természetes állapot. Ez egy túlélési eszköz egy mankó hogy legyen neked is örömöd nemi örömöd ami segít túlélni az elszigeteltséget és a magányt a feszültséget stb. De a természetes állapotban ez nem fordul elő. Tehát van feldolgozni valód az egész-séged helyreálításáért.
    Szóval a Pistivel is elkezdtem dolgozni és sikerült is pár dolgot átvinni az elméjén a Susan segítségével. Például megtanítottam neki hogy a támadás erősségét tudja szabályozni. Ehhez csak kellett építenie mentálisan egy skálát amin be tudta állítani hogy milyen erősségű legyen a támadás. 1 től 10 terjedő skála volt először de bármilyen számot beállíthatott még tört számot is. Ezt akkor tudtam átvinni amikor a Susan már eljutott a kiképzésbne egy igen jó szintre de még önállóan nem tudott döntést hozni és nem volt megbízható őt is ide oda rángatták és szivatták kívülről. Ez arra volt jó hogy a Varga Pisti mondhatta hogy igen ő támad de azt senki nem kérdezte hogy milyen erősséggel mert nem is tudta senki hogy már tudja állítani. Ez némi könnyebbséget jelentett nekem. Tudtam a feladataimat végezni.
    A lyuk kérdése amit az Öreg meghagyott magának pedig mág akkor került rendezésre amikor elindultunk. Amikor elmondott mindent a Pistiről akkor dolgoztuk ki annak a módját hogyan zárjuk le ezt a lyukat. Megírtuk előre azt a szöveget amit a Pistinek fel kellett most olvasnia és a Susan adta oda neki. Ezzel lezártuk a Pisti kívülről emberi hatalom által való irányíthatóságának kérdését.
    Amikor apuval leültünk ő kérte hogy én írjam meg. Az Öreggel úgy egyeztünk meg hogy csak akkor fog eszembe jutni amit mi ketten már megírtunk ha ő kéri hogy én írjam meg. Akkor megint megírtam de nem emlékeztem arra hogy már ezt mi ketten az Öreggel csináltuk. "Mi ez? A felmondólevelem? Kirúgott az Öreg?" kérdzte a Pisti amikor befejezte a felolvasást. hahaha Igen ki. És mostantól velünk dolgozol. A döntés lehetősége ki lett véve a kezéből és a tudatától függetlenné vált. Senkinek a kezében nem lesz fegyver többé csak a mi ügyünket szolgálja.
    A Susan leszopta, mert egész életében erről álmodozott hogy egy nő leszopja. :-D Nagyon aranyos nő és belül teli életvidámságal és szeretettel. Nem félt mert ő tudta mit csinálok és mi a célom. Szerette a Pistit is és vigyázott rá. Annak ellenére hogy ő is a poklok poklán ment keresztül életében. Ő volt az aki a cia-tól utalt át pénzt a közös számlánkra az elsők között. A Susan Lindauer karakteréből. Pusszantás!
    A másik aki az orosz hadseregtől utalt pénzt katona bácsi volt a minis brigádból. Az a srác jött a katapult szék anyagáért amikor kész lett aki sokáig a lángososnál dolgozott és beleköpött a lángosomba... Pedig ha ott akkor nem áll meg a folyosó végén amikor mondtam már ő se lenne. Bunkó.
    Tegnap a Horváth gábor alias balettmester is megmutatta magát ott ült pár méterre tőlem ha minden igaz... nos az ő halálát is megbeszéltük előre a Varga gabival. Ő is egyike azoknak akire rá tudtam irányítani a Pistit és pár hét múlva könyörögve jött oda hozzám hogy bármit megtesz "ha kell leszopok egy lovat is bármitre hajlandó vagyo kcsak hogy ez véget érjen..." mondta "És mit kért?" "Azt hogy csináljam végig a kiképzését teljes odaadással és figyelemmel pontosan úgy ahogy ő mondja. az után fejlődtem olyan sokat szinte mindenben. Annyira jó lettem hogy megkért vigyázzak a vér szerinti anyjára és képezzek ki több nemzedéket is."
    Azt hogy kutyával is basztam ő hazudta az nagyIminek. Egyrészt akkor támadás volt másrészt pedig kíváncsi volt hogy hol jön ki a dolog. Vízfestés.
    igen szóval ez egy érzékeny téma. Sokakat megszivattak és sokaknak kellett lemerülni a mocsokba ahhoz hogy el tudjanak végezni néhány feladatot. Sokszor el kellett játszani - amit nem lehet eljátszani - hogy irányítani tudják a szarházik az embereinket ahhoz hogy bejussunk bizonyos helyekre ahol fontos dolgokat tudtunk elvégezni. Sokszor csak bizonyíték kellett valamiről, sokszor valakiért mentünk be, sokszor változásokat akartunk kieszközölni azon a területen - és ehhez ki kellett tennünk magunkat a területeket védő szennyesárok bűzének sőt át kellett úszni rajta hogy elérjük amit el akartunk érni.
    Ez nem összekeverendő azzal amikor valaki a szarházik rendszerét szolgálta és úgy vett részt ebben a mocsokban haszon és kéjélvezőként. sokan öntudatlanul kerültek ilyen helyzetekbe mert gyermekkoruktól kondícionálták őket és nem volt esélyük se arra hogy mást lássanak. Nekik azt tudom mondani hogy mindegy milyen mélyre kerültél és milyen mélyről jössz - ha beszélsz és keresel segítséget találni is fogsz és fejlődni fogsz a teljes élet felé. Ezt bárki elérheti.
    A fekete nyolcas összeszedett pár srácot. Az egyik tegnap este majdnem bekóstolt a barátnője uszította hogy öljön meg engem. De ne ő maga hanem a többi küldje rám. A Jani embere volt. Nem tudott olvasni se. Vele először a criminal minds csapat dolgozott és megcsinálták az ő történetének egy részét. Ő volt az aki nőkből illatszert készített magának. Sajnos csak nagyon nehezen és csak az erőszak nyelvén lehetett vele szót érteni. Őt meg kellett verni ahhoz hogy megértsen bizonyos dolgokat. De lassan lassan felfejlődött és olyan sokat haladt hogy belefért később a Jani csapatába. Ami azt jeletni hogy jobb mint az összes mester emberei. Sokak munkája fekszik benne sok év figyelme és erőfeszítése.
    Tudtam előre és a Janival is meg a criminal minds os csapattal is megbeszéltük hogy ő meg fog borulni ha a Jani kiesik. A Jani elment legalább egy év rehab szabira, mert ő egészséges családban nevelkedett és neki ez nagyon sok volt velük, kicsit kell neki a távolság tőlük hogy helyre rázódjon a kár a fejében amit ők okoztak a velük való együttműködés közben és maga a karakter amit írtam neki. Ezket a hatásokat ki kell hevernie. Aktívan passzívan a megfelelő ütemben.
    Ezért ugrott majdnem nekem a srác. És ezért készítettem fe la kézis csajokat arra hogy majd ők megverik. De megmondtam nekik is akkor hogy azért fogják tudni megverni mert a helyzet ezt kívánja és az alapállásuk akkor jobb lesz. Bármelyikük mehet az menjen aki a legjobb formában van pont akkor, mert nem az a cél hogy megöljük hanem hogy megértse mi van. Nem írom le pontosan hogy ez miért alakult így nem kell mindenkinek tudni. mélyről jött. Nagyon. És az irány ami felé tart jó. Nagyon. Belülről teljes meggyőződéssel. Az alapok megvannak. Erre a kézis csaj beugat nekem. Nos nem intha erre nem számítottam volna mert én már azt is láttam akkor hogy nem mindegyik értette meg ezt a dolgot a pszichés erő mibenlétéről. Ők is egészséges családokból jöttek de különböző szintű értelmi és logaikai képességekkel. Az a csaj pont aki megverte tegnap az se értette meg elkövette azt a hibát amit nagyon sokan korábban. Ha sikerült valami nekik és legyőztek valakit akitől féltek mert jó volt a harcban - azt hitték hogy akkor most már ők diktálhatnak. Tették mindezt a nélkül hogy mérlegelték volna az alapállásukat és azt hogy mit miért és hogyan csinálnak - és ennek mindig komoly következménye volt. Sokan meg is haltak e miatt. A legegészségesebb családok gyermekei közül is a legjobb eredményekkel a kiképzés során...
    A helyzet arra is bizonyíték mindenki számára aki figyelt, hogy ezek az események nem spontán események mégha úgy is tűnik kívülről mintha egy csávó belém kötött volna és én meg ráuszítottam valakit hogy verje el.
    Minden szereplővel dolgoztam. Sokat. Pontosan ismerem a pszichéjüket a hibáikat és az erősségeiket.
    Nekem te nem ugatol be! Senki se! Én nem csipőből lövök vaktában hanem ott alázok ahol azt kell tenni, ott fasszopózok ahol azt kell tenni, ott kurva anyázok ahol azt kell tenni és ott állok félre ahol azt kell tenni - mert én minden tettemet a cél alá rendeltem és egy minden emberi hatalomnál nagyobb hatalom uralja és irányítja a tetteimet. Mindezt úgy hogy nagyon alaposan felkészülök és sokat dolgozok azon hogy minden eshetőségre fel tudjak készülni. Még egyszer: nem ugatsz nekem! Szólni lehet ha valami olyat látsz ami fontos a feladatohoz és akkor megfelelően cselekszem! Ugatni nem lehet mert akkora pofont kapsz hogy a bolygó másik oldalán fogsz magadhoz térni ha fogsz.
    Óva intek mindenki hogy ilyen siker után gondolkodás nélkül nekimenjen bárkinek különösen ennek a srácnak! Hatalmas meglepetésben lesz részetek ha még élni fogtok hogy felfogjátok mi történt...
    A vargagabi is megjelent de mégis miért érzem még mindig szarul magam?.... hát azért mert hazudtál a többieknek arról hogy fel tudja-e robbantani a földet vagy sem.
    Nos majd ha felmegyünk később a holdra semlegesíteni a cuccomat akkor látni fogjátok. A szerkezetet úgy építettem meg hogy végül nem fogom tudni semlegesíteni mert a technológia nem kerülhet ki. Tehát el kellett végleg felejtenem hogy hogyan működik. Ez úgy tűnik a mindent átható alkotó és pusztító intelligencia akarata volt hogy így legyen. Egy dolgot tudok majd vele tenni: fel kell robbantani. Kiszámoltam hogy mikor és hogyan fog robbanni ha esetleg nem sikerül a tervem és kiszámoltam az is hogy hol fog robbanni ha sikerül. Hosszú meditáció során az összes lehetséges lehetőséget végiggondoltam. Nagyon messze lesz a földtől és még onnan is olyan fényjelenséget fog produkálni hogy a föld egy része ami akkor pont árnyékban lesz nappali világosságot fog megtapasztalni. Megkértem egy pár embert hogy akkorra majd oda állítsanak fel komoly rögzítőeszközöket többélét, de ezt akkor majd sokan fogják figyelni. Meg fogjátok látni hogy mennyire nem vicc amit mondok. Nappali világosság lesz ott ahol éjszakának kéne lennie egy villanásnyi időre... tessék kérem komolyan venni a dolgot.
    Bearni volt pedofil nem aktív már felépülő és kap rendes valós segítséget.
    Valamelyi kazt mondja nekem hogy a Pistit azért tudtam elverni emrt hagyta magát. Nos a kezdet kezdetén az Öreg egyik embere A legjobb verekedő az összes közül nekemugrott. Megöltem. Eltörtem a nyakát és szétkentem az agyvelejét a járdán. Azért csináltam úgy hogy véletlenül se tudják összerakni az Öreg orvosai. Az Öreg akkor kezdett el nagyon komolyan venni. Bár utólag azt gondolom, hogy ezt is direkt csinálta. Beáldozta a legjobb harcosát hogy a többi háromszor is meggondolja hogy nekem ugrik-e vagy sem. És igen. Az Öreg megparancsolta a Psitinek hogy ne harcoljon. A Psiti is igen jó kiképzést kapott, de sehol sincs hozzám képest ahhoz viszont elég jó hogy a harc közöttünk ne lehessen hosszú. Ha nem arancsolja meg neki akkor rövid és gyors halála lett volna. Nem lett volna más választásom mint ohgy megölöm, mert ahhoz túl jó volt még a többiekhez képest is. Talán a legjobb után a második.
    De aki azóta részt vett a kiképzésemen velem és eljutott a teljes őszinteség szinjére és átengete a tudatának az irányítását nekem a kiképzés alatt majd felfejlődött velem. Azok pontosan tudják mivel néznének szembe ha velem akasztanának bajszot. A többi ezek háta mögül ugat... amíg nekik is be nem verem a pofájukat.
    Vagy megkérek egy tízéves kislányt akit a bátyám képzett ki hogy tanítsa meg őket a tiszteletre.
    Anyu is szerepelt filmben és ő volt talán az egyike az elsőkenk akik észrevették hogy azok a statiszták nem statiszták és nem eljátsszák a Nicaraguai terepen hogy meghaltak, hanem ott valóban lelőtték őket csak a film kedvéért. Ezér válaszottam őt anyukámnak.
    A Tomi alias mrgreen tanított nekem egy csomó magyar mondókát és versikét amiket azóta eltüntettek a magyar közoktatásból teljesen, mert segíteték a fejlődést és nagyon erősek voltak. Ezeket jó lenne újraéleszteni és elterjeszteni. Erősek és nagyon jók. Jobba ntud magyarul mint azok akik itt nőttek fel és itt jártak iskolába. Szégyen és gyalázat az itteni szarházi uralkodó patkányhorda és azok szolgáinak részéről.
    A vér szerinti szüleim nagyon szerettek volna egy kislányt. Ennek volt annyira brutális hatása a pszichémre és akartam nővé válni. Az arcukra sem emlékszem. Előkerült egy film ahol ott volt az Andi is egy kosztümös film ahol nőt alakítottam abroncsos szoknyára voltam kíváncsi hogy abban hogyan tudtak mozogni és létezni meg karakter felderítés egyben - de ott is megmérgeztek és az a vér a kesztyűmön nagyon is valódi. "Hogyan képes még saját lábán elsétálni ekkora dózissal?" elégedetlenkedett valaki... ott is hagytam azt a patkánybandát a francba... az ott annyi volt...
    A főzés egy tudomány. Nem elég csak a tüzet meggyújtani, kellenek hozzávalók is amiket gondosan kell összeválogatni és a megfelelő sorrendben adagolni. Ha valakire rágyújtod a házat és nem akarod hogy benne égjen akkor kell útjelző amit a legdurvább füstben is látni lehet: erre van a kijárat.
    A baba zsilipe is áll stabilan. nagyon baba.
    A Közös tudaton kersztül is próbálkoznak a pisti irányításával... de erre is gondoltunk. A próbálkozások egy része átmegy realizáljuk és tudatosítjuk honnan jön és utána visszalő a fegyver... ezt most tanulják a nagy manipulátorok... :-D :-D :-D tesztelik... hogy működik Vágó Pisti? :-D Jó mi?

              Joyo de Nicaragua        
    Didn't like this one. Didn't burn well and was rolled way to loosely. I had a hard time lighting it and it burned up one side and then went out. Horrible! They got a big rating in Cigar Aficionado, but I disagree. I won't spend my time on this again unless its free.
              The Next (Budget) Generation: Performance-Based Financing at Bayalpata Hospital        
    Nyaya Health has always believed in working with the government of Nepal to achieve its goals. While individual donors have made up the bulk of Nyaya Health's financial assets, the Nepalese government has invested $35,000 per year since 2010 and recent budget negotiations have looked to increase government investment to $100,000 a year and more in the coming years. 

    The idea for a new contract with the government, due to take effect mid-July, began when the Nepali Ministry of Health approached Nyaya Health to propose a pilot program for future funding of private-public partnerships in Nepal. For this year's contract, Nyaya Health's assets from the government will be dependent on the organization's performance on certain metrics. If Nyaya meets their targeted metrics, then they will receive increased funding the next cycle, but if they don't, their funding from the government will be cut by 20%. Performance based financing for NGOs has been tried in places such as Rwanda and Nicaragua, but this is the first attempt to implement performance based financing in Nepal and focus on outcome-based funding for health organizations.

    Nyaya is responsible for formulating 40% of the metrics it will be judged on, and it has focused on measurable outcome-based metrics that will hopefully result in meaningful improvement in both quality and equity of healthcare delivery. For example, one of the metrics Nyaya chose to be measured on is the institutional delivery rate for pregnant women. Nyaya works with many health posts in the region which serve as birthing centers for pregnant women to come in and deliver their babies. However, the birthing centers are often so shabby that expectant mothers choose not to come in to deliver. The performance based financing metric, which funding will be partially based, requires Bayalpata Hospital and the health posts in the region to serve a certain portion of the expected deliveries in the region, and so the hope is that the birthing centers will improve their quality once their financial status is linked to their performance.

    Of course, there will be challenges. Performance-based financing relies heavily on the quality of data collection, which, if self-reported, may not always be trustworthy. That’s why Nyaya has attempted to use metrics that can be independently verified, in order to demonstrate that improvement of performance has to be real, and not just an inflated figures on government reports.

    The challenges are real, but so are the potential benefits. It’s about a change in mindset. Rather than saying, "we need $100,000 to improve our birthing center", performance-based financing says, "we need $100,000 to improve the rate of institutional births in our region to reduce maternal mortality, which we will accomplish by improving our birthing center". It's about paying for results, and depending on how the pilot program with Nyaya goes, it could mark a major shift in NGO funding strategies in Nepal. 

              A Couple of Fine Concepts        
    The conceptual gardens at the Hampton Court Flower Show are always a mixed bag – the best are challenging, exciting and genuinely innovative. There are two that I loved at this year’s show. The Los Mariposas garden (supporting Amnesty International’s Butterflies of Hope campaign for the women of Nicaragua) has a kaleidoscope of tropical butterflies […]
    14 de Abril
    Día de las Américas
     Esta fecha conmemora la fundación de la Unión de las Repúblicas Americanas, posteriormente llamada Unión Panamericana y a partir de 1948 Organización de los Estados Americanos (OEA).
    Fue celebrada por primera vez el 14 de abril de 1931 como símbolo de la unión voluntaria de distintos países del continente americano.
    Actualmente, la OEA está integrada por más de treinta y cinco Estados que buscan consolidar una agenda con temas comunes. El espíritu de esta unión responde a la consolidación de relaciones diplomáticas para velar por los estados de paz en el continente.

    ¿Qué países celebran el día de las Américas?
    Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, República Dominicana, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haití, Honduras, México, Nicaragua, Panamá, Paraguay, Perú, Estados Unidos, Uruguay y Venezuela
    Fuente: Organización de los Estados Americanos

              3rd Annual ISA World StandUp Paddle and Paddleboard Championship to Take Place in Nicaragua from May 3 – 11        
    Salut, Un post pour poser les bonne vidéos, commentaires, photos, avis......sur l'évent (3rd Annual ISA World StandUp Paddle and Paddleboard Championship to Take Place in Nicaragua from May 3 – 11) Pour les lives : http://isawsuppc.com
              Hány ország van a földön?        
    Elég gyakran felmerülő földrajzi kérdés, hogy tulajdonképpen hány ország van a földön, másként hány ország van a világon? Természetesen ezt nehéz pontosan megállapítani, hiszen ahogyan a történelmet figyelemmel kísérjük, rengeteg állam jött és jön is létre az évszázadok, olykor évtizedek alatt, éppen úgy, ahogyan egyesek megszűnnek vagy integrálódnak más országokba.

    A legelfogadottabb és legmegbízhatóbb adatok szerint a világ jelenleg 196 országot különböztet meg bolygónkon.

    Ezt az adatot, más megbízható adatok is alátámasztják, melyek jól feltérképezik a világ országait és ezzel együtt arra is rámutat, hogy mely országokat nem ismer el az adott szervezet, tehát kvázi mely országokat hagyja ki a számításából.

    Ilyen például az Egyesült Nemzetek Szervezete (ENSZ), angol nevén United Nations, melynek 193 tagja van. Ellentétben a gyakori tévhittel, ez a szám nem reprezentálja a földön található összes országot. Nyilván való, hogy vannak az ENSZ-től elkülönülő független országok, ilyen például a Vatikán és Koszovó.

    Az Egyesült Államok külügyminisztériuma 195 országot különböztet meg a világon. Ez a lista viszont politikai okokból nem ismeri el különálló országként Taiwant, mely 1971-ig az ENSZ-nek is tagja volt.

    Érdemes megemlíteni a témával kapcsolatban, hogy vannak olyan tartományok, régiók, melyek bár a köztudatban gyakran országként jelennek meg, valójában nem rendelkeznek a független állam címével, illetve bizonyos irányítási szerepet más ország gyakorolja felettük. Erre kiváló példa Észak-Írország, Skócia, Wales, Anglia.

    Biztosak vagyunk benne, hogy néhány olvasónkat egészen konkrétan érdekli, hogy mely országok tartoznak a nagy 196-os listába, ezért elkészítettük a listát az országokhoz tartozó fővárosokkal. Ne tévesszen meg senkit, hogy egy országhoz adott esetben több főváros is tartozik. Bizonyos országok több főváros kijelölésével oldják meg közigazgatási ügyintézésüket.

    Afganisztán - Kabul
    Albánia - Tirane
    Algéria - Algiers
    Andorra - Andorra la Vella
    Angola - Luanda
    Antigua és Barbuda - Saint John's
    Argentína - Buenos Aires
    Örményország - Yerevan
    Ausztrália - Canberra
    Ausztria - Vienna
    Azerbajdzsán - Baku
    Bahamák - Nassau
    Bahrein - Manama
    Banglades - Dhaka
    Barbados - Bridgetown
    Fehéroroszország - Minsk
    Belgium - Brussels
    Belize - Belmopan
    Benin - Porto-Novo
    Bhután - Thimphu
    Bolívia - La Paz (közigazgatási); Sucre (bírói)
    Bosznia és Hercegovina - Sarajevo
    Botswana - Gaborone
    Brazília - Brasilia
    Brunei - Bandar Seri Begawan
    Bulgária - Sofia
    Burkina Faso - Ouagadougou
    Burundi - Bujumbura
    Kambodzsa - Phnom Penh
    Kamerun - Yaounde
    Kanada - Ottawa
    Zöld-foki-szigetek - Praia
    Közép-afrikai Köztársaság - Bangui
    Csád - N'Djamena
    Chile - Santiago
    Kína - Beijing
    Kolumbia - Bogota
    Comore-szigetek - Moroni
    Kongói Köztársaság - Brazzaville
    Kongói Demokratikus Köztársaság - Kinshasa
    Costa Rica - San Jose
    Cote d'Ivoire - Yamoussoukro (hivatalos); Abidjan (tényleges)
    Horvátország - Zagreb
    Kuba - Havana
    Ciprus - Nicosia
    Cseh Köztársaság - Prague
    Dánia - Copenhagen
    Dzsibuti - Djibouti
    Dominika - Roseau
    Dominikai Köztársaság - Santo Domingo
    Kelet-Timor (Timor-Leste) - Dili
    Ecuador - Quito
    Egyiptom - Cairo
    El Salvador - San Salvador
    Egyenlítői Guinea - Malabo
    Eritrea - Asmara
    Észtország - Tallinn
    Etiópia - Addis Ababa
    Fidzsi - Suva
    Finnország - Helsinki
    Franciaország - Paris
    Gabon - Libreville
    Gambia - Banjul
    Grúzia - Tbilisi
    Németország - Berlin
    Ghána - Accra
    Görögország - Athens
    Grenada - Saint George's
    Guatemala - Guatemala City
    Guinea - Conakry
    Bissau-Guinea - Bissau
    Guyana - Georgetown
    Haiti - Port-au-Prince
    Honduras - Tegucigalpa
    Magyarország - Budapest
    Izland - Reykjavik
    India - New Delhi
    Indonézia - Jakarta
    Irán - Tehran
    Irak - Baghdad
    Írország - Dublin
    Izrael - Jerusalem
    Olaszország - Rome
    Jamaica - Kingston
    Japán - Tokyo
    Jordánia - Amman
    Kazahsztán - Astana
    Kenya - Nairobi
    Kiribati - Tarawa Atoll
    Észak-Korea - Pyongyang
    Dél-Korea - Seoul
    Koszovó - Pristina
    Kuvait - Kuwait City
    Kirgizisztán - Bishkek
    Laosz - Vientiane
    Lettország - Riga
    Libanon - Beirut
    Lesotho - Maseru
    Libéria - Monrovia
    Líbia - Tripoli
    Liechtenstein - Vaduz
    Litvánia - Vilnius
    Luxemburg - Luxembourg
    Macedónia - Skopje
    Madagaszkár - Antananarivo
    Malawi - Lilongwe
    Malajzia - Kuala Lumpur
    Maldív-szigetek - Male
    Mali - Bamako
    Málta - Valletta
    Marshall-szigetek - Majuro
    Mauritánia - Nouakchott
    Mauritius - Port Louis
    Mexikó - Mexico City
    Mikronéziai Szövetségi Államok - Palikir
    Moldova - Chisinau
    Monaco - Monaco
    Mongólia - Ulaanbaatar
    Montenegró - Podgorica
    Marokkó - Rabat
    Mozambik - Maputo
    Mianmar (Burma) - Rangoon (Yangon); Naypyidaw or Nay Pyi Taw (közigazgatási)
    Namíbia - Windhoek
    Nauru - Nincs hivatalos főváros; A kormányzat Yaren tartományban található
    Nepál - Kathmandu
    Hollandia - Amsterdam; The Hague (a kormányzat helye)
    Új-Zéland - Wellington
    Nicaragua - Managua
    Niger - Niamey
    Nigéria - Abuja
    Norvégia - Oslo
    Omán - Muscat
    Pakisztán - Islamabad
    Palau - Melekeok
    Panama - Panama City
    Pápua Új-Guinea - Port Moresby
    Paraguay - Asuncion
    Peru - Lima
    Fülöp-szigetek - Manila
    Lengyelország - Warsaw
    Portugália - Lisbon
    Katar - Doha
    Románia - Bucharest
    Oroszország - Moscow
    Ruanda - Kigali
    Saint Kitts és Nevis - Basseterre
    Santa Lucia - Castries
    Saint Vincent és és a Grenadine-szigetek - Kingstown
    Szamoa - Apia
    San Marino - San Marino
    São Tomé és Príncipe - Sao Tome
    Szaúd-Arábia - Riyadh
    Szenegál - Dakar
    Szerbia - Belgrade
    Seychelle-szigetek - Victoria
    Sierra Leone - Freetown
    Szingapúr - Singapore
    Szlovákia - Bratislava
    Szlovénia - Ljubljana
    Salamon-szigetek - Honiara
    Szomália - Mogadishu
    Dél-Afrika - Pretoria (közigazgatási); Cape Town (törvényhozói); Bloemfontein (bírósági)
    Dél-Szudán - Juba (Áthelyezve Ramciel-be)
    Spanyolország - Madrid
    Srí Lanka - Colombo; Sri Jayewardenepura Kotte (törvényhozói)
    Szudán - Khartoum
    Suriname - Paramaribo
    Szváziföld - Mbabane
    Svédország - Stockholm
    Svájc - Bern
    Szíria - Damascus
    Tajvan - Taipei
    Tádzsikisztán - Dushanbe
    Tanzánia - Dar es Salaam; Dodoma (törvényhozói)
    Thaiföld - Bangkok
    Togo - Lome
    Tonga - Nuku'alofa
    Trinidad és Tobago - Port-of-Spain
    Tunézia - Tunis
    Törökország - Ankara
    Türkmenisztán - Ashgabat
    Tuvalu - Vaiaku village, Funafuti province
    Uganda - Kampala
    Ukrajna - Kyiv
    Egyesült Arab Emírségek - Abu Dhabi
    Egyesült Királyság - London
    Egyesült Államok - Washington D.C.
    Uruguay - Montevideo
    Üzbegisztán - Tashkent
    Vanuatu - Port-Vila
    Vatikán (Vatikánváros) (Holy See) - Vatican City
    Venezuela - Caracas
    Vietnam - Hanoi
    Jemen - Sanaa
    Zambia - Lusaka
    Zimbabwe - Harare

              Directamente desde Nicaragua Grammy Winner Luis Enrique 07.01.17        
    Directamente desde Nicaragua Grammy Winner Luis Enrique regresa a San Francisco este 1ero de Julio. Apartir de las 9PM en Mezzanine, 444 Jessie St, San Francisco. Tickets: https://www.eventbrite.com/e/luis-enrique-at-mezzanine-presented-by-earshot-entertainment-jaffe-events-tickets-34641660138
              Estaremos Representados a Nicaragua en el Carnaval de San Francisco Mayo 28, 2017        
    Este año Chavalos Danzas por Nicaragua quizo dedicar la carroza de Nicaragua a Masaya, la cuidad de las Flores. La ciudad de Masaya (declarada capital cultural de Nicaragua el 23 de octubre del 2000), originalmente se llamaba Villa Fiel de San Fernando de Masaya y fue elevada al rango de ciudad un 2 de septiembre […]
              La Cuneta Official CD Release Party / Cañambuco        
    LA CUNETA SON MACHIN (Nicaragua) Pasto Seco La Inedita (Peru) Hosted by Raw G DJ Julicio (Chile) El Kool Kyle Saturday, May 20th, 2017 Doors: 8:00 pm / Show: 9:00 pm The New Parish Oakland, CA $20 ADV / $25 DOS / Age 18 And Up
              Philip Montalban En Vivo 01.18.2017        
    Come enjoy Original Palo de Mayo from the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua as you help us fundraise. We will be having several fundraisers leading up to this years Carnaval, where we will have a float displaying our  rich cultural from Nicaragua.   January 18th @ 7PM     Bissap Baobab 3372 19th St, San Francisco, […]
              Ode To Roberto        
    Forty years ago on New Year’s Eve, the Pirates lost a hero who transcended his sport. Roberto Clemente's plane, bearing supplies for earthquake victims in Nicaragua, went down in the Atlantic.
    Luis Britto García

    Quien conozca las más elementales nociones sobre Derecho sabe que las condiciones existenciales para crear un Estado son: pueblo, territorio y autoridad política. En los artículos 119 al 126 de la Constitución de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela se sientan las bases para constituir numerosos Estados distintos del Venezolano. En dichas normas son mencionados once veces “pueblos” con derechos distintos y superiores al  resto de la población venezolana. El artículo 119 les reconoce “su organización social, política y económica”. Los artículos 119 y 120 les atribuyen “tierras” y “hábitats” en los cuales el aprovechamiento por el Estado de los recursos naturales está “sujeto a previa información y consulta a las comunidades”. Parecerían referirse a las condiciones para crear Estados distintos de Venezuela. Apenas lo impide el que los territorios sean también definidos como “hábitats”, y que el artículo 126 afirme que el pueblo venezolano es “único, soberano e indivisible” y concluya que “El término pueblo no podrá interpretarse en esta Constitución en el sentido que se le da en el derecho internacional”.
       ¿Cree usted que en Venezuela hay  “pueblos” distintos del venezolano, con organización “política” propia y con  “tierras” o “hábitats” cuyos recursos naturales el Estado no puede explotar sin “consulta”? En ese caso, está sentando las bases para que previa declaratoria de independencia, una generosa potencia extranjera los proteja y nos secesione en varias decenas de países. 
      Organizaciones no gubernamentales de Estados Unidos, como el International Indian Treaty Councily el Indian Law Resource Center de Washington se han adjudicado una suerte de tutoría sobre las movilizaciones étnicas latinoamericanas: sostienen que los indígenas latinoamericanos son pueblos diferentes del resto de los habitantes de sus respectivos  países, que tienen autonomía y derechos exclusivos sobre los que consideren sus territorios originarios y sobre los recursos del suelo y el subsuelo de éstos, y que pueden prohibir al poder nacional el acceso a dichas áreas. Bajo su inspiración,  los misquitos demandan al Sandinismo; la Confederación de Naciones Indígenas de Ecuador apoya el golpe contra Correa; los tupí guaraníes intentan secesionar la Bolivia de Evo.
    Así, por ejemplo, el  Indian Law Resource Center (ILRC), desde su fundación en 1987 ha ejercido desde Washington  una activa tutela y dirección sobre las estrategias y proclamas programáticas de gran parte de los movimientos indígenas de América Latina. Fundado en 1978 como ONG,  en 1984 gana un proceso entablado contra la asediada Nicaragua ante la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. En 1989, conjuntamente con el presidente Carter logra el regreso a Nicaragua de varios dirigentes indígenas, entre otros el “Contra” Brooklyn Rivera. En 1992 ya está interviniendo en la demarcación de territorios indígenas yanomami en la Amazonia. El año siguiente traza el mapa de los territorios de los misquitos en Honduras. En 2004 se atribuye la representación de los mayas de Belice ante la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, la cual falla que Belice viola los derechos de propiedad indígenas.  En 2007  el Indian Law Resource Centerlogra que la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas adopte la Declaración de los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas, cuyo borrador, según confesión propia había sido redactado por el Center (http://www.indianlaw.org/en/about).
    El International Indian Treaty Council es apenas una de las numerosas organizaciones  estadounidenses vinculadas con organizaciones internacionales que intervienen en los asuntos indígenas latinoamericanos. El ILRC fue fundado en 1974 y reorganizado en 1977 como ONG con estatus de Consultor de la Unesco, y en tal condición trabaja en la relación  de las etnias indígenas con organismos claves de las Naciones Unidas tales como la Comisión de los Derechos Humanos, el Grupo de Trabajo sobre Pueblos Indígenas, la Subcomisión de Prevención de la Discriminación y Protección de Minorías, la Conferencia de las partes de la Convención sobre Diversidad Biológica, la misma Unesco y la Comisión sobre el Desarrollo Sustentable. Participa asimismo en la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (a la cual seguramente aportó el borrador de la Convención sobre Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas de 1989), en las Conferencias de las Naciones Unidas, la Unión Internacional por la Conservación de la Naturaleza y el Congreso Arqueológico Mundial. Este organismo estadounidense se presenta como “una organización de pueblos indígenas de Norte, Centro y Sur América y el Pacífico, cuya misión es trabajar por la soberanía y autodeterminación de los pueblos indígenas y el reconocimiento y protección de sus derechos indígenas, sus culturas tradicionales y sus sagradas tierras” (http://www.intute.ac.uk/socialsciences/cgi-bin/search.pl?term1=south+america&limit=0).
    Eva Golinger, especialista en el monitoreo de las subvenciones de los organismos públicos estadounidenses, me confirma en comunicación de 19-7-2009 que tanto la USAID como el National Endowment for Democracy (NED) han financiado organizaciones y proyectos en las comunidades indígenas en América y específicamente en Venezuela. Dichos entes se niegan a identificar a los beneficiarios de sus subsidios, pero, según Golinger, “los dos admiten financiar ONGs que trabajan en las comunidades indígenas, tanto como proyectos y programas dirigidos a las regiones donde habitan las indígenas venezolanas”.  Entre otras, menciona “una organización que fue creada para ese fin, que se llama la Asociación Civil Kapé Kapé, han recibido muchos aportes de la NED y la USAID, e incluso de la alcaldía de Chacao cuando estaba Leopoldo López”. Dicho grupo habría trabajado intensamente en las comunidades indígenas de los estados Delta Amacuro y Bolívar. Las mismas áreas donde operaron las afortunadamente expulsadas “Nuevas Tribus” del Summer Linguistic Institute.
    En posterior comunicación de fecha 30 de noviembre de 2009, Eva Golinger nos confía el resultado de sus investigaciones relativas a los aportes del National Endowment for Democracy (NED), Organización No Gubernamental fundada por la United States Agency for Developement (USAID), a los movimientos étnicos en Ecuador. Entre dichos grupos subsidiados figura la Corporación Empresarial Indígena del Ecuador (CEIE), la cual, señala Golinger, “es una organización creada en el 2005 con dinero de la NED por los ecuatorianos Ángel Medina, Mariano Curicama, Lourdes Tibán, Fernando Navarro y Raúl Gangotena. CEIE cuenta con un miembro honorario, el Sr. Norman Bailey, quien es un veterano de la Agencia Central de Inteligencia y ocupó el cargo de jefe de la Misión Especial para Venezuela y Cuba de la Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia (DNI) de EEUU de 2006-2007. Bailey también fue miembro del Consejo de Seguridad Nacional (NSC) durante la presidencia de Ronald Reagan”.
    Vale la pena detenerse en algunos de los integrantes de estas organizaciones subsidiadas por la National Endowment for Democracy y la USAID. Ángel Medina es, según informa Golinger, " …fundador y presidente de la Fundación Qellkaj” (otra organización “indígena” en Ecuador financiada por la NED). Fernando Navarro es  " …Presidente de la Federación de Cámaras de Comercio del Ecuador…". Raúl Gangotena "…Tiene relación con los siguientes organismos internacionales: Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow, International Forum for Democratic Studies, National Endowment for Democracy (NED) … Fue Embajador de Ecuador en los Estados Unidos y Consejero para la Subsecretaría de Defensa en 2001 …". Lourdes Tiban es "…Asesora del Consejo Político de la ECUARUNARI y Asesora Jurídica del CONAIE” (ECUARUNARI es uno de los grupos claves de CONAIE). No debe extrañar, entonces, que CONAIE haya declarado la oposición acérrima al gobierno de Correa en cuanto éste se negó a concederle el dominio sobre los recursos naturales de Ecuador, y que haya apoyado el golpe contra el Presidente ecuatoriano.
    Además de ellos, la Corporación Empresarial Indígena del Ecuador (CEIE), según informa Eva Golinger,  “es una organización creada en el 2005 con dinero de la NED por los ecuatorianos Ángel Medina, Mariano Curicama, Lourdes Tibán, Fernando Navarro y Raúl Gangotena. CEIE cuenta con un miembro honorario, el Sr. Norman Bailey, quien es un veterano de la Agencia Central de Inteligencia y ocupó el cargo de jefe de la Misión Especial para Venezuela y Cuba de la Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia (DNI) de EEUU de 2006-2007. Bailey también fue miembro del Consejo de Seguridad Nacional (NSC) durante la presidencia de Ronald Reagan”.
              El subsidio para estos grupos no es una minucia. Nos informa asimismo Eva Golinger que “El financiamiento de la NED a grupos políticos en Ecuador sube de 333.047 dólares durante el 2007-2008 a 1.372.691 dólares durante el 2008-2009”. Numerosas Organizaciones No Gubernamentales se reparten este botín: entre las directamente relacionadas con los movimientos étnicos  está la  “Fundación Q'ellkaj, que obtiene  $76.170” para  “Fortalecer la juventud indígena y sus capacidades empresariales”. Añade, Golinger, a manera de alerta, que el presupuesto de la USAID para 2009 ascendía a 35 millones de dólares, pero que el previsto para 2010 asciende a 38 millones de dólares. Y resume que los objetivos declarados de la USAID en Ecuador consisten en: “Consolidar territorios indígenas: La consolidación de los  territorios indígenas dentro de la zona del desarrollo alternativo. Fortalecer organizaciones indígenas: organizaciones indígenas más fortalecidas serán más capaces de contribuir a la política y monitorear a los funcionarios públicos electos y el uso de los fondos públicos. Alimentar la capacidad empresarial en las comunidades indígenas”.
    Vemos así cómo  entes estadounidenses pretenden representar a los “pueblos indígenas de Norte, Centro y Sur América”,  trabajar por su “soberanía y autodeterminación”, y “consolidar territorios indígenas”, no para mantener su tradición cultural comunitaria, sino para “alimentar la capacidad empresarial”. Los bienes y recursos que se les reconocieran entrarían así al mercado capitalista. No es posible confesión más palmaria de que se intenta dirigir tales movimientos en contra de la soberanía y unidad de los Estados Nacionales de la región. Por una de las paradojas de nuestra Historia, la orientación de muchos de las dirigencias de algunos de movimientos indígenas es entonces ejercida desde Estados Unidos por  ONG´s financiadas por la USAID y la NED, exentas de impuestos y con activa influencia sobre la ONU y la OEA, dos organizaciones para nada afectas a los intereses de Nuestra América. No necesariamente opera tal financiamiento en todos los casos, pero lo que sí opera es la identidad entre las orientaciones que tales entes de Estados Unidos imparten y las vindicaciones que los autoproclamados representantes de los indígenas exigen en toda América Latina.
    Contrasta esto con la actitud del gobierno estadounidense hacia los indígenas en su propio territorio, a quienes mantiene confinados en los campos de concentración llamados reservas, y para nada les reconoce ni remotamente derechos de “soberanía y autodeterminación”, y mucho menos financia ONGs para promoverlos. A principios de noviembre de 2009, el presidente Barack Obama expidió un memorando en el cual prevé un simple mecanismo de consulta no vinculante con las etnias o sus representantes, pero en el cual niega expresamente que dicho memorando o las consultas creen derechos distintos de los del ordenamiento jurídico estadounidense, y sujeta las definiciones de “tribus”, “autoridades” y “políticas que afectan a los pueblos indígenas” a dicho ordenamiento. Además, categóricamente declara que “Este memorándum no pretende crear ni crea derecho o beneficio alguno, sustantivo o procesal, exigible en derecho o en equidad, para parte alguna frente a los Estados Unidos, sus organismos, agencias, funcionarios o funcionarias, empleados o empleados”. Mientras tanto, las ONGs estadounidenses, algunas de ellas financiadas por la USAID y la NED, pretenden imponer a los países latinoamericanos la entrega de su soberanía, sus territorios y sus recursos.
    Jaime Salvatierra compila algunos datos sobre la forma en que Estados Unidos trata hoy en día a sus indígenas, que revelan de manera elocuente las miras que los animan a asumir la tutoría de los indígenas latinoamericanos. Las reservaciones indígenas en Estados Unidos no son en absoluto “territorios originarios”, sino campos de concentración inhóspitos y sin recursos donde fueron relegados los aborígenes que escaparon del exterminio. En ellos las tasas de desempleo oscilan entre el 50 y 80%, con altos niveles de violencia, delincuencia y tráfico y consumo de drogas. Las minorías étnicas tienen ocho veces más posibilidades de padecer enfermedades como la tuberculosis que otros ciudadanos, y un 37% muere antes de cumplir los 45 años. La tasa de suicidio triplica la nacional,  la mortalidad infantil es un 60%, y se registran elevados porcentajes de alcoholismo y diabetes. En la comunidad indígena de los Lakotas, de la familia Sioux, los hombres tienen una esperanza de vida de menos de 44 años, más baja que en cualquier país del mundo, incluyendo Haití. La mortalidad infantil es  300%, mayor que en el resto de Estados Unidos; el suicidio de los adolescentes llega al 150% del  promedio de ese grupo etáreo en Estados Unidos. Los enfermos de tuberculosis superan en 800%  el promedio nacional, al igual que los enfermos de diabetes. El 97% de esa comunidad vive por debajo de la línea de pobreza, junto con casi 50 millones de estadounidenses. La tasa de desempleo en las reservas es del 80%; el alcoholismo afecta a 9 de cada 10 familias: hay niños indígenas presos en proporción 40% superior a la de los infantes  blancos. En Dakota del Sur el 21% de la población penal es de indios, aunque éstos sólo son el 2% de la población de ese estado. Solo el 14% de la población Lakota habla el mismo idioma; el prisionero político más antiguo del mundo es el activista lakota Leonard Peltier, condenado a dos cadenas perpetuas tras un juicio amañado por el FBI (Jaime Salvatierra: “¿Si estos mensajes no son subversivos, entonces qué son? Lo que EE.UU. vende a los indígenas bolivianos”, La Época, 23-09-2011, http://www.la-epoca.com.bo/#). Sólo la insolencia imperial puede pretender que corresponda a organizaciones subsidiadas o tuteladas por Estados Unidos asumir la tutoría de los indígenas latinoamericanos.
        Si usted no propicia la secesión de nuestro país, debe apoyar una reforma constitucional que sustituya la expresión “pueblos” por la de  â€œcomunidades”; sustituya “tierras” por “hábitats” y elimine toda mención que trabe o cuestione la soberana potestad del Estado de explotar los recursos naturales, sobre todo los del subsuelo, en la totalidad  del territorio nacional y en representación y provecho del “único, soberano e indivisible” pueblo venezolano. Somos un solo pueblo “único, soberano e indivisible”: el venezolano. Un solo territorio: el de Venezuela. Un solo cuerpo político: la República Bolivariana de Venezuela. Todo el que quiera dividirnos es nuestro enemigo.
    DOMINGO 21 A LAS 8 PM:




    Dictadura Mediática en Venezuela:
    El Imperio Contracultural: del Rock a la Postmodernidad:
    La invasión paramilitar: Operación Daktari:
    Socialismo del Tercer Milenio:
    La Ciencia: Fundamentos y Método:
    El pensamiento del Libertador: Economía y Sociedad:
    La máscara del Poder:
    La lengua de la Demagogia:

              LOS PARACOS LLEGARON YA        
    Luis Britto García

    Pasa que comunicadores como Ildefonso Finol, Miguel Ángel Pérez Pirela y quien suscribe desde principios de siglo denunciamos la infiltración de paramilitares. Acontece que éstos progresivamente cobran vacuna, establecen alcabalas y toques de queda, ejercen trata de personas, narcotráfico, sicariato, propagación de casinos, contrabando de extracción, intento de magnicidio y control sobre empresas de seguridad y transporte. Ocurre que progresan del crimen organizado a la parapolítica: bajo protección de las policías de un puñado de alcaldías opositoras en tres años lanzan tres oleadas terroristas, dejan centenares de víctimas fatales entre las cuales se cuentan autoridades, fiscales y motorizados degollados con guayas; queman dependencias y transportes públicos; incendian hospitales y guarderías con niños dentro; incineran ciudadanos en plena calle. No parecen actividades pacíficas. Pacíficas son las víctimas irreparables.

    El coronel estadounidense Max G. Manwaring, del Comando Sur y del Instituto de Estudios Estratégicos del Departamento de Defensa de Estados Unidos, al estudiar el caso de Venezuela sostiene que el bolivarianismo libra una Guerra Asimétrica, o de Cuarta Generación, con las características siguientes: “1)La lucha es predominantemente políticosicológica, no militar –aunque hay un importante rol militar o paramilitar en el proceso. 2) El conflicto es extenso, y cubre tres o cuatro etapas. 3) La guerra se libra entre beligerantes con capacidades asimétricas y asimétricas responsabilidades hacia quienes los manejan (…) 4) La contienda tiene dimensiones e implicaciones transnacionales. 5) La Guerra no es limitada en su propósito. Es total en la medida en que busca darle al ganador absoluto poder para controlar o reemplazar el gobierno existente” (“State and nonstate associated gangs: credible midwives of social orders”: 2009).

    La proyección es un mecanismo psicológico por el cual acusamos a otro de nuestros propios pensamientos o acciones. El coronel Mainwaring acusa a los bolivarianos de desarrollar el conflicto en las siguientes fases: “1) (…) Entrenar cuadros de profesionales (propagandistas y agitadores) para tareas de liderazgo y combate político-militar, y crear selectos ambientes de caos. 2) Crear un frente político y militar de clases medias “desburguesadas” e individuos con mentalidad similar, para que trabajen juntos en la desestabilización de las sociedades opuestas y la imposición de la nueva socialdemocracia. 3) Fomentar conflictos regionales. Esto involucrará operaciones preparatorias, encubiertas y graduales político-militares y psicológicas para desarrollar y nutrir el apoyo popular. 4) Planear actividades abiertas y directas de intimidación, incluyendo acciones populares (tales como manifestaciones, huelgas, violencia cívica, violencia personal, lesiones y asesinato (…) para debilitar los Estados elegidos como blancos y debilitar el control militar enemigo y sus medios de control. 5) Directa, pero gradualmente confrontar una fuerza militar enemiga desmoralizada y llevarla a su colapso”.

    Juzgue el ecuánime lector si el bolivarianismo es autor o víctima de tal índole de ataques. Vivimos ya situaciones como las de la cotidiana invasión de Nicaragua por la Contra, como las de Chechenia, Libia o Siria. Quizá el veto potencial de Rusia y de China en el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU nos ha salvado hasta el presente del diluvio de bombas o la invasión militar abierta. Pero tal veto no puede protegernos contra un conflicto interno no declarado ante el cual no ejercemos el derecho a la defensa. No nos defendemos contra empresas de maletín, bachaqueros, contrabandistas ni descuartizadores; tampoco contra terroristas organizados, protegidos y subsidiados. Hemos dejado instalarse en nuestro territorio un enemigo tenaz, sin escrúpulos y despiadado. Guerra avisada sí mata soldado, si pretendemos que no existe. El primer requisito para ganar una guerra es reconocerla Como decía José Félix Ribas, no podemos optar entre vencer o morir. Necesario es vencer.  


    Dictadura Mediática en Venezuela:
    El Imperio Contracultural: del Rock a la Postmodernidad:
    La invasión paramilitar: Operación Daktari:
    Socialismo del Tercer Milenio:
    La Ciencia: Fundamentos y Método:
    El pensamiento del Libertador: Economía y Sociedad:
    La máscara del Poder:
    La lengua de la Demagogia:


    De todo el petróleo que consume Estados Unidos, el 40% es importado y un 60% lo produce esta nación.

    Lo que Ud. no sabe es que el 65% de ese 40% de petróleo importado proviene principalmente de Canadá, Venezuela y otros países del continente americano. Es decir, el 35% del petróleo importado por los norteamericanos llega de los pozos del Medio Oriente y el Golfo Pérsico pero el 65% viene de nuestra propia región.

    Añada ahora a estas cifras, que Venezuela posee las más grandes reservas petroleras del planeta, calculadas en más de 300 mil millones de barriles. Sin contar con sus extraordinarias reservas en minerales, agua y biodiversidad.

    La estrategia del actual presidente norteamericano Donald Trump para colocar a Estados Unidos a la cabeza de un capitalismo productor de bienes y no sólo de servicios, exige del control absoluto sobre aquellas regiones del mundo con materias primas estratégicas.

    Cabe afirmar que las economías del mundo continuarán vinculadas al desarrollo de fuentes de energía, como el petróleo y el gas, por lo menos durante 60 años más.

    Que no quepa la menor duda: Venezuela ocupa hoy un lugar preponderante en la agenda energética estratégica de la principal potencia capitalista.

    Por eso, ahora en Venezuela está en desarrollo un profundo conflicto político y una muy peligrosa guerra en puertas, diseñada y dirigida por los Estados Unidos, para acabar de una vez por todas con la Revolución Bolivariana, debilitar la soberanía nacional y finalmente apoderarse de nuestras inmensas riquezas petroleras y gasíferas.

    Está en marcha la segunda fase de 45 días de esta guerra no-convencional contra Venezuela. Durante la primera fase se realizaron operaciones sicológicas y mediáticas, movilización de calle, protestas violentas, presión internacional, sanciones contra funcionarios y dirigentes del Gobierno Bolivariano, entre otras acciones.

    La fase actual es de ofensiva militar o de insurgencia armada y se desplegará sobre el foquismo violento y el paramilitarismo, articulados con bandas criminales, con más
    sabotajes y asesinatos, más odio y más intolerancia, para crear un clima de ingobernabilidad, caotización, neurotización, guerra civil y desbordamiento que le abra paso a una intervención multinacional, supuestamente humanitaria, y a la implosión del Estado-Nación.

    La guerra ya comenzó. La intervención está en marcha. Se requieren respuestas políticas y gestión económica, que ya se están ejecutando, pero también respuestas militares. Es la guerra por el petróleo ahora bajo nuestros propios pies.

    Para analizar esta situación hoy nos acompaña LUIS BRITTO GARCIA, escritor, historiador y analista político. Guionista de la recién estrenada película “La Planta Insolente”, que relata la lucha del presidente Cipriano Castro en defensa de la soberanía nacional contra las agresiones imperialistas.

    BLOQUE 1

     OS=Bienvenido Luis ¿Cómo estás?

     LBG=Bueno, muy bien

     OS= Eres el autor del guión de la película que recién se estrenó, “La Planta Insolente” Â¿Hay algún paralelismo que podamos destacar entre aquellos hechos y la situación actual de Venezuela?

     LBG=Total. En ese momento, una coalición de los banqueros, los acreedores de la deuda y la oligarquía de los caudillos locales, se juntan en una revolución mal llamada
    “Revolución Libertadora” contra Cipriano Castro, con 15 mil peones de sus hatos, que los llevan a morir en eso, Cipriano los derrota con una fuerza de voluntarios de 5 mil. Pero entonces esta contrarrevolución llama en su auxilio a las potencias europeas, cuyas transnacionales tenían reclamaciones contra Venezuela. Y entonces entre Alemania, Inglaterra e Italia, reúnen una flota de 15 acorazados que acordona, bloquea nuestras costas, destruye nuestras unidades navales, bombardea nuestros pueblos, desembarca, incendia dependencias públicas, etc. Entonces evidentemente, ¿Por qué era esto? Bueno porque querían apuntalar el cobro de reclamaciones injustas. Las reclamaciones, después del incidente, fueron reducidas a la sexta parte, lo que quiere decir que gran parte de ellas eran absolutamente injustas. Otro elemento: Estaba a punto de abrirse, la apertura del canal de Panamá. EE.UU incluso había promovido la secesión de Panamá de Colombia para
    tener un paso, y a las potencias europeas les interesaba tener enclaves estratégicos cerca de ese canal. Es más, la intervención contra Cipriano Castro, Cipriano estaba tratando de reeditar La Gran Colombia, en unión con el partido Liberal Colombiano, con Alfaro un gran dirigente progresista en Ecuador y con Zelaya en Nicaragua. Una de las finalidades de La Gran Colombia era dominar los pasos interoceánicos que se hicieran por Panamá.

     OS= Es decir Luis, que no era solamente el cobro de una deuda, ¿Había objetivos geopolíticos? Pero me respondes después de comerciales. Ya venimos.

    BLOQUE 2

     OS= Te preguntaba Luis, que el objetivo no era solo cobrar una deuda, ni siquiera eso, había objetivos geopolíticos para principios de siglo…

     LBG= Muy precisos…Alemania quería, se dimensionó mucho eso, tener un enclave en Venezuela para dominar la rutas hacia el canal y es más, había quizá la posibilidad de que las potencias imperiales intentaran obtener colonias en América Latina y El Caribe, no hubieran tenido que hacer la Primera Guerra Mundial…Alemania se había quedado, entró
    tarde a la carrera imperial. No tenía colonias. Si hubiera podido crear colonias en América Latina, no hubiera sido necesario ni una Primera ni una Segunda Guerra Mundial. Fíjate un poco como esa situación de Venezuela definió el destino del mundo, esa resistencia que hizo Cipriano Castro. Ahora, ¿Cómo resistió Cipriano Castro a una flota de 15 acorazados de las 3 potencias militares más poderosas del mundo, aparte de EE.UU? Bueno, con la voluntad popular. El llamó a los voluntarios con esa célebre proclama “La planta insolente del extranjero ha profanado el sagrado suelo de la Patria” y 150 mil voluntarios acudieron a alistarse, entre los primeros, el Dr. José Gregorio Hernández, esto es increíble pero cierto, entonces las potencias dijeron “caramba, tenemos 15 mil hombres en estas naves, en un territorio extraño, contra un ejército de 150 mil hombres defendiendo su país, estamos perdidos” entonces tuvieron que transar.

     OS= En este momento, es obvio que hay un plan insurreccional contra el gobierno bolivariano. Es la cuarta intentona insurreccional en lo que va de período constitucional del presidente Nicolás Maduro. En este esquema ¿Es posible una intervención internacional?

     LBG= Sí. Mira, si uno estudia los manuales sobre la llamada Guerra de IV Generación, hay uno de un coronel, Mainwaring, que es asesor del Departamento de Defensa de EE.UU, del Comando Sur, él cita lo que permite reconocer una guerra de IV Generación. Todo eso se está dando en Venezuela. Es una confrontación en la cual no intervienen Estados, no hay una guerra declarada, sin embargo, hay una situación de desestabilización, de destrucción de activos, insurgencia armada por cuerpos que no son ejércitos ni tienen uniformes,actúan como paramilitares de manera violenta. Se trata sobre todo de crear incomodidad y la destrucción de bienes civiles, no hay un campo de batalla alejado sino que el campo de batalla es la misma sociedad y los eventos son dirigidos más que a una finalidad estratégica
    específica, a crear efectos comunicacionales. Es una guerra que se gana o se pierde en los campos de batalla de la comunicación, de la simbología. Todo eso se está dando exactamente en Venezuela como si se estuviera aplicando un manual, aparte del pequeño manualito de Gene Sharp, nos están aplicando una cartilla aprendida, que ya fue aplicada también en Chile  y lamentablemente en Indonesia, donde hubo un genocidio que algunos  sitúan alrededor del medio millón de víctimas fatales y desarmadas. Entonces, hay una situación grave, seria, de guerra, hay que asumirla y tenemos derecho a defendernos, el derecho a la legítima defensa es el más innegable de todos los derechos.

     OS= ¿La movilización del pueblo, es clave, es crucial, si hay una amenaza de intervención?

     LBG= Yo creo que fundamentalmente la movilización del pueblo ante una situación de terrible peligro internacional y ¿Por qué es eso? ¿Obedece eso a que unas elecciones se
    retrasan o no se retrasan? ¿Se va a votar o no? Conversábamos de eso hace poco: Venezuela tiene la quinta parte de todos los hidrocarburos del mundo, tiene unas reservas inmensas de oro, coltán, hierro, aluminio, biodiversidad, energía hidroeléctrica, todo eso es fundamental para el imperio que domina el hemisferio y entonces está provocando una situación interna para imponer un gobierno favorable a ellos. De eso se trata en el fondo lo que está sucediendo.

    OSEl objetivo es caotizar, neurotizar, destruir el Estado Nación…

     LBG= Sí, porque además hay planes secesionistas que ya han sido declarados…Había un ejercicio militar que estaban haciendo en EE.UU que presuponía la división de
    Venezuela en 3 secciones. Hay movimientos étnicos que plantean la disolución de Venezuela en un conjunto de supuestos territorios dominados por parcialidades étnicas, lo
    que sucede en Libia, el que no aprende de la historia se ve obligado a repetirla. Entonces Venezuela está ante ese panorama.

     OS= Planteabas que estas guerras de IV generación, estas guerras no convencionales son también guerras simbólicas, guerras lingüísticas ¿En qué consiste este tablero simbólico?

     LBG= Son guerras que se juegan en el imaginario, sobre todo, a través de los medios.Los medios crean sucesos. Recordemos cuando se tomó la Plaza Verde de Trípoli en Libia, no se había tomado nada, era un escenario que montaron en Qatar, hicieron una maqueta, disfrazaron una cantidad de gente y efectuaron una obra militar que no había ocurrido. Entonces, los medios de comunicación fabrican. Fíjate tú, esencialmente los disturbios que ha habido ahora se concentran fundamentalmente en unas 19 alcaldías en donde los manifestantes y algunos delincuentes que se unen a ellos, actúan protegidos por las policías locales, es la situación fundamental, hay episodios fuera de eso, pero raros. Ahora, los medios intentan multiplicar eso para fingir ante el exterior y ante el propio país que hay una rebelión en todo el país, y no. Venezuela tiene 335 alcaldías. 19 alcaldías son un sector insignificante de lo que es Venezuela.

     OS= Son alcaldías en zonas muy elitescas

     LBG= Muy específicas en zonas de clase media alta, con aspiraciones de clase media alta y además, los efectos de eso es que se ponen presos ellos mismos. Bloquean los
    accesos de entrada y salida entonces la propia clase media alta o con aspiraciones de alta, queda presa allí, la afectada es ella, pero eso queda representado en los medios como una sublevación popular y masiva en todo el país. No son ninguna de esas cosas: Ni es popular, ocurre en sectores de clase media y muchos de los que participan en ella son paramilitares o delincuentes. Ni es generalizada, porque ocurre nada más en 19 municipios. Ni es sublevación, porque resulta que la policía local protege a los que perturban y cometen actos de terrorismo…

     OS= Sí, pero como bien decías, no hace falta que estas protestas o esta insurrección sea popular ya que lo importante es desintegrar, caotizar, neurotizar, crear un clima para una eventual ruptura, desbordamiento, y están apareciendo Luis, nuevos símbolos: escudos, desnudos, linchamientos… ¿Qué sentido tienen estos nuevos códigos?

     LBG= Sí, lo más grave es eso. Primero, dentro de esos escudos además hay unas cruces que evocan ciertas desagradables cruces que se utilizaron en Europa. Hay el uso de sustancias pestilentes, pero lo grave allí son ciertos linchamientos, atentados contra la persona humana injustificada. Prenderle fuego a una persona viviente, además porque es de un determinado color o porque se sospecha que pueda…Eso es espantoso, eso va más allá, eso es para crear el pánico. La muerte de una persona es muy sensible, pero no tiene efecto. Pero una muerte horripilante crea el pavor, crea la conmoción y además difunde la idea de que el poder no tiene control sobre la situación, que solamente, el terrorismo. El terrorismo tiene objetivos muy selectos que en realidad estratégicamente no conmocionan pero crean esa impresión. El terrorista dice “fíjate cómo el Estado no tiene control”

     OS= Y todo se permite, todo es posible

     LBG= Todo es posible porque no hay un poder efectivo. Es un mensaje que lanza el terrorismo: “Ya no existe el gobierno, por lo tanto hay que crear otro”, ese es el mensaje fundamental.

     OS= El gobierno está trabajando en distintos escenarios, en distintos tableros: el político, con el llamado al diálogo y la convocatoria a una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente. El tablero militar y el tablero comunicacional. Quiero que hablemos un poco del tablero político y específicamente de la convocatoria a la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, pero cuando regresemos de los comerciales. Ya venimos.

    BLOQUE 3

     OS= Te preguntaba Luis, en este escenario insurreccional ¿Cuál sería el rol, el papel, de la convocatoria presidencial a una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente?

     LBG=Bueno, a mí me da la impresión de que es establecer una diferencia en la metodología. Mientras uno de los grupos está recurriendo a la violencia desnuda, a los
    cortes de comunicaciones, a incendiar hospitales y hospitales infantiles para colmo, quemar unidades de transporte público popular, etc. El otro dice, “bueno, vamos a
    dialogar, vamos a una Asamblea elegida por el voto, donde la votación va a decidir la futura constitución de Venezuela. Es como contraponer dos formas de actuación política, una es la actuación directa a través de la implantación del terror y otra mediante la consulta, el diálogo. Ahora, yo diría lo siguiente y eso es básico: Para que tenga éxito esa Asamblea, tiene que haber un consenso popular, y gran parte de los problemas que estamos viviendo actualmente tienen que ver con los problemas de abastecimiento. Ahora, ¿Cuáles son esos problemas de abastecimiento? Mira, los ha señalado de forma inobjetable la doctora Pasqualina Curcio, en su libro “La Mano visible del mercado”: el Estado, no solo sí ha seguido dándole dólares preferenciales a los importadores. Triplicó desde 2004 la cantidad de dólares en líneas generales, y en medicina la cuadruplicó. Pero ¿Qué sucede? Hay una docena de importadores, un oligopolio que o no importa las cosas, o las importa e importa basura, o las importa y las esconde. Entonces la escasez que hay es una cosa manipulada. A esto debe añadirse lo siguiente, otra sorpresa seguramente para los escuchas: Venezuela produce como el 88% de los alimentos que consume, eso está en las hojas de alimentación y consta durante décadas esos registros. ¿Qué sucede? También hay un oligopolio que evita la distribución plena, eficaz y oportuna de esos productos y por otro lado, como 40% de lo que Venezuela importa o produce, se va por la frontera. ¿Qué se debe hacer en tres líneas para remediar eso? Acabar con el contrabando de extracción, fundamental. Tú no puedes operar con una pérdida de 40% continua. 2) Dejar de darle dólares preferenciales a ese grupo de empresas que ha estafado a la nación consecutivamente. 3) Tendría que asumir la importación y la distribución de los productos básicos el Estado. Hay riesgo, desde luego, ineficacia, corrupción, pero peor de lo que ha sucedido no puede ser.
    Además, históricamente cada vez que viene un proceso electoral hay un pico de desabastecimiento, creado por ese mismo monopolio de importadores y distribuidores para que el voto sea negativo. Vamos a contar con otro pico de desabastecimiento para la constituyente y para las elecciones que vengan.

     OS= Y se agudiza con las protestas violentas que cierran, obstaculizan el tránsito de alimentos.

     LBG= En ese sentido, también se ha hecho eso, se ha destruido camiones que tienen alimento, se ha cerrado el acceso a las vías para el abastecimiento, etc. Entonces el éxito político depende de que se solucione la situación de desabastecimiento que es en gran parte manipulada, creada artificialmente, con fines políticos.

              Venezuela continues towards full fledged dictatorship. Supported by Russia and China        
    Alexander MARTINEZ
    Caracas (AFP) - Venezuela's opposition was on Thursday weighing its response to the government's latest crackdown on its politicians, which critics warn will risk making the troubled country a dictatorship.
    Overnight, the supreme court for the second time this week sentenced an opposition mayor to 15 months in prison for not preventing anti-government protests in his Carcas district.
    And a powerful member of a new loyalist assembly installed last week said would-be candidates from the opposition wanting to contest regional elections in December would need "good conduct" permission from the body to take part.
    The moves bolstered claims by the United States and major Latin American nations that President Nicolas Maduro was trashing democracy and ruling through a "dictatorship."
    On Wednesday, the United States extended sanctions it had already imposed on Maduro to members of the new Constituent Assembly, which was elected last month amid allegations of fraud and deadly protests.
    Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Mexico and other nations in the Americas have said they do not recognize the new assembly, which also sacked a critical attorney general among other steps to quash dissent.
    Venezuela has lodged protests with 11 embassies over the international condemnation, and railed against the United States for not respecting "any basic principle of international law."
    - Tensions -
    The developments fuelled tensions that have been flaring in Venezuela for the past four months, resulting in nearly 130 deaths during protests and increasing isolation for Maduro and his government.
    The supreme court's sentencing of the opposition mayor of the Hatillo district in Caracas, David Smolansky, and a bar on him holding public office followed identical punishment it handed down to the mayor of the Chacao district, Ramon Muchacho.
    Smolanksy posted a video online in which he called for protests against his jailing "in all the streets" of his municipality. But early Thursday there was little response, beyond a barricade of trash across a road.
    The opposition coalition, a grouping of around 30 disparate parties called the Democratic Unity Roundtable, has been struggling about what to do to keep up pressure on Maduro, who it wants to see ousted through early elections.
    On Wednesday, after much debate, the coalition said it would contest overdue regional elections in Venezuela's 23 states on December 10, with the aim of holding Maduro to the electoral calendar, which also sees the next presidential election in October 2018.
    Polls suggest the opposition would win most of the states, replicating its landslide 2015 victory in taking control of the legislature, the National Assembly.
    Maduro has installed the new Constituent Assembly with powers over all branches of government, including the National Assembly.
    - US against Venezuelan 'tyranny' -
    Maduro and his government are deeply unpopular, as the country's 30 million citizens suffer under a long economic crisis that has resulted in shortages of food and medicine and hyperinflation -- a harsh reality for an oil-rich country that used to be one of the wealthiest in Latin America.
    One of the Constituent Assembly's most powerful members, Diosdado Cabello, argued for another obstacle for the opposition before it could take part in the regional elections.
    He said they should apply for "certificates of good conduct" from the assembly attesting that they would prevent any violence in the streets.
    The election of the new assembly and its campaign against the opposition has drawn fire from Washington.
    "President Maduro swore in this illegitimate Constituent Assembly to further entrench his dictatorship, and continues to tighten his grip on the country," US Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said in a statement announcing the latest sanctions.
    "This regime's disregard for the will of the Venezuelan people is unacceptable, and the United States will stand with them in opposition to tyranny until Venezuela is restored to a peaceful and prosperous democracy."
    Venezuelan Foreign Minister Jorge Arreaza shot back on state television that the US was "making a fool of itself in front of the world."
    "Venezuela can't be sanctioned for anything, nor by anybody," he said.
    Although broadly criticized, Venezuela is not entirely isolated internationally.
    It can count on the support of Russia and China -- which have granted tens of billions of dollars in loans to Venezuela -- as well as leftist allies Cuba, Bolivia and Nicaragua, and small Caribbean nations to which it gives cheap oil.

              Comentario en Nicaragua, dictadura en familia por jotaefeb        
    Las ilusiones perdidas No había leído la autobiografía de Sergio Ramírez, Adiós muchachos (2007), y acabo de hacerlo, conmovido. Es un libro sereno, muy bien escrito, exaltante en su primera mitad y bastante triste en la segunda. Cuenta la historia de la revolución sandinista que puso fin en 1979 a la horrible dinastía de los Somoza en Nicaragua, una de las dictaduras más corruptas y crueles de la historia de América Latina, y en la que él tuvo un papel importante como conspirador y resistente primero, y, luego, en el gobierno que presidió el comandante Daniel Ortega, en el que fue vicepresidente. Fueron muchos años de lucha, muy difíciles, de sacrificio y heroísmo, en los que miles de nicaragüenses perdieron la vida y la libertad, padecieron torturas, exilio, largos años de cárcel, enfrentándose a una Guardia Nacional cuyo salvajismo no tenía límites. Los rebeldes eran, sobre todo al principio, personas humildes, los pobres entre los más pobres, pero luego fueron sumándose gente de la clase media y, al final, profesionales, empresarios y agricultores, y principalmente sus hijos, movidos por un idealismo generoso, la idea de que, con la caída de la dictadura, comenzaría un periodo de justicia, libertad y progreso para el pueblo de Rubén Darío y de Augusto César Sandino. Muchas mujeres combatieron en la vanguardia de esta revolución, así como los católicos –Nicaragua es tal vez el país donde el catolicismo está más vivo en América Latina– y Ramírez describe con mucha pertinencia las distintas corrientes que conformaban esa disímil alianza de comunistas, socialistas, demócratas, liberales, castristas que respaldaron la revolución en un principio, antes de que comenzaran las inevitables divisiones. Las páginas de Adiós muchachos que evocan el entusiasmo y la alegría con que vivieron la inmensa mayoría de los nicaragüenses los primeros tiempos de la revolución –las campañas de alfabetización, la conversión de cuarteles en escuelas, la distribución de las tierras y fábricas expropiadas a los Somoza y sus cómplices a los sectores de menores ingresos– son emocionantes, el inicio de lo que parecía ser la gran transformación de Nicaragua en un país de veras libre, democrático y moderno. No ocurrió así y Sergio Ramírez responsabiliza del fracaso de la revolución sandinista a “la contra”, armada y financiada por la CIA. Yo tengo la impresión de que la contrarrevolución fue más bien un efecto que una causa, por el descontento que cundió en un sector amplio de la sociedad nicaragüense con la política equivocada del régimen destinada a convertir al país en una sociedad estatizada y colectivista, con las nacionalizaciones masivas y la creación de granjas campesinas al estilo soviético, y las emisiones inorgánicas que en vez de impulsar arruinaron la economía nacional y desataron una inflación galopante, que, como siempre, golpeó sobre todo a los más pobres. El desbarajuste y el caos, y, por supuesto, la corrupción que todo ello originó, la llamada piñata –el reparto entre la gente del poder de los bienes y dineros supuestamente públicos–, que Sergio Ramírez describe magistralmente en el capítulo de su libro titulado con agrio humor “Los ríos de leche y miel”, tenían que desencantar y empujar a la oposición a muchos nicaragüenses que odiaban a la dictadura de Somoza, pero no querían que la reemplazara una segunda Cuba. (Dicho sea de paso, es fascinante descubrir en Adiós muchachos que una de las personas que más trataba de moderar a los dirigentes sandinistas en sus reformas revolucionarias ¡era Fidel Castro!). La segunda parte del libro es de una creciente tristeza, pues en ella se describe el progresivo descalabro de la revolución, las divisiones entre los sandinistas, y la lenta pero segura ascensión del comandante Daniel Ortega y su esposa Rosario Murillo al vértice de un poder del que solo han gozado un puñadito de sátrapas en la historia latinoamericana. Tierra de grandes poetas y excelentes escritores, como el propio Sergio Ramírez, Nicaragua tendrá que producir algún día la novela que eternice la historia de Daniel Ortega, este alucinante personaje que, luego de dirigir la revolución sandinista contra los Somoza, se fue convirtiendo él mismo en un Somoza moderno; es decir, en un dictadorzuelo corrompido y manipulador que, traicionando todos los principios y aliándose con todos sus enemigos de ayer y tras antes de ayer, ha conseguido gozar de un poder absoluto a lo largo de veinte años, haciéndose reelegir en unas elecciones de circo, y, a pesar de todo ello, gozando todavía –por extraordinario que parezca– de cierta popularidad. Para conocer algo de su historia hay que cerrar Adiós muchachos y leer el espléndido ensayo del mismo Ramírez en El estallido del populismo (2017), “Una fábrica de espejismos”, donde está sintetizada, con trazos maestros de realismo mágico, la trayectoria hasta nuestros días de este inverosímil personaje. Por lo pronto, experimentó una oportuna conversión al catolicismo y ahora comulga devotamente de la mano del cardenal Miguel Obando y Bravo, su antiguo enemigo mortal y ahora aliado acérrimo que ha dado su bendición al gobierno “cristiano, socialista y solidario” de los Ortega/Murillo. También ha hecho pacto con empresarios mercantilistas que, a condición de no hablar nunca de política, hacen muy buenos negocios con el régimen. Pero, quizás, lo más sorprendente sea que, en la variopinta alianza que han conseguido armar para mantenerse en el poder Daniel Ortega y Rosario Murillo –esta es su vicepresidenta y podría ser la próxima presidenta de Nicaragua si su esposo decide tomarse algunas vacaciones–, también figuran los brujos, santeros, curanderos, hechiceros y taumaturgos del país. Cito a Ramírez: “La mano abierta de Fátima, hija de Mahoma, con un ojo al centro, que representa bendiciones, poder y fuerza, y también protección contra el mal de ojo, estuvo desde 2006 detrás de la pareja presidencial en el salón de sus comparecencias, en un inmenso mural”. El ensayo también refiere los fantásticos proyectos con que el gobierno de la ya celebérrima dupla, émula de la de House of Cards, alimenta las ilusiones de sus electores, como el famoso Gran Canal de Nicaragua, que iba a competir con el de Panamá y que sería financiado por el multimillonario chino Wang Ying (ya quebrado y olvidado) y una planta de productos farmacéuticos en Managua llamada a producir nada menos que ¡una vacuna contra el cáncer! La lista de ficciones así es larga y parece salida de Macondo. Todas estas cosas las cuenta Ramírez sin alterarse, con objetividad, aunque detrás de la moderación y elegancia con que escribe, se adivina un hondo desgarramiento. El suyo debe ser el de muchos nicaragüenses que, como él, dedicaron los mejores años de su vida, su tiempo y sus sueños, a luchar por una ilusión histórica que vivió una efímera realidad y se fue luego deshaciendo y transformando en grotesca caricatura. Por Mario Vargas Llosa
              Die Schlacht am Nolli        
    Wenn heute ein US-Präsident Berlin besucht, gibt es dagegen in der Regel nur wenige und zumeist friedliche Proteste. Das war mal anders. Als 1982 bekannt wurde, dass Ronald Reagan im Rahmen einer NATO-Tagung West-Berlin besuchen würde, entstand schnell eine breite Protestbewegung dagegen. Aufgrund der massiven atomaren Aufrüstung der USA und ihrer Unterstützung konterrevolutionärer Gruppen in Nicaragua ging die Ablehnung durch das gesamte linke, alternative und fortschrittliche Spektrum. Gewerkschaften, Parteien, Friedensgruppen bis hin zur Hausbesetzerbewegung wollten alle am 11. Juni demonstrieren, dem Tag von Reagans Aufenthalt in der halben Stadt. Es war auch klar, dass es von einigen Gruppen zu gewalttätigen Auseinandersetzungen kommen würde, was die meisten jedoch ablehnten. Und so wurde nach vielen Gesprächen beschlossen, zwei Demonstrationen zu veranstalten: Eine sehr breite am Vortag des Besuchs und eine direkt am 11. Juni, während Reagans Anwesenheit in Berlin. Die Demo am 10.6.1982 wurde viel größer als erwartet, ungefähr 80.000 Menschen nahmen daran teil, zeitgleich gab es eine viermal so große Demo in der damaligen Regierungshauptstadt Bonn. Dies zeigte, dass es sehr viele Menschen gab, die gegen die Kalte-Kriegs-Politik der US-Regierung auf die Straße gehen. Zwar kam es auch hier zu Konfrontationen mit der Polizei, aber das hielt sich in Grenzen und [...]
              Granada — Granada, Nicaragua        
    With VW Bus Vanagon (RV, Westfalia) all through America
              The Radicalism of Bill de Blasio        
    Today’s New York Times features an in-depth look at the radical background of Bill de Blasio, the man poised to become the next mayor of New York. De Blasio is a longtime admirer and supporter of Nicaragua’s Marxist Sandinistas. He helped raise funds for the Sandinistas in the 1980s, subscribed to the party’s newspaper, Barricadda (Barricade), and unlike many others, remained supportive even after the Sandinistas lost power. To this day de Blasio speaks admiringly of the Sandinistas (while offering some token criticism of their handling of dissent), and remains interested in the Latin American left. De Blasio honeymooned in...
              Alucinaciones Socialistas        

    Pensé no comentar sobre la visita de Rafael Correa a la Isla de Cuba dada la necedad de sus declaraciones y la poca importancia que dicha visita brinda al país (mas allá de sus evidentes intentos de salamería socialista).  Sin embargo no queda duda que pareciera que el compañero Correa sigue sufriendo de alucionaciones, pues se niega a reconocer (como lo hacen todos los socialistas trasnochados) que en Cuba lo que se vive es una dictadura.  Yo me pregunto hasta cuando vamos a escuchar tanta sandez, y si tanto les parece interesante el infierno cubano porque no emigran a Cuba y de una vez por todas experimentan en carne propia el gulag Cubano. 

    Para muestra me remito a las pruebas y vean las declaraciones vergonzosas que ha dado en Cuba donde para empezar su idea de una nuevo país incluye el que se larguen los que no están de acuerdo y por supuesto se niega a ver el desastre Cubano.  Seguramente lo llevaron a comer a la casa del abuelito Fidel, chocho y enloquecido y se pasaron tomando vinos de los más finos y fumandose un puro cubano mientras discutían como apoderarse del resto de latinoamerica o como ejercer el control total. 

    Ojalá si algún día se acaba esta revolución ciudadana y el compañerito decida irse, que Cuba le de asilo, para que viva en carne propia el paraiso cubano.  Pero seguramente no hará eso, e irá seguramente a establecerse a Belgica, patria de su señora a disfrutar de los beneficios de una sociedad capitalista, libre y próspera.

    ‘La burguesía quiere desestabilizarnos’


    Redacción Política

    presidente Rafael Correa   tiene una creencia: los grupos de poder 
    utilizan a la mayoría de los  medios  para desestabilizar su

    Así lo señaló en su reciente visita oficial a
    Cuba. Allí ofreció  una entrevista con el diario Granma, el periódico
    oficial del Régimen cubano, donde explicó en detalle esa idea de una
    supuesta alianza entre la prensa y lo que el Jefe de Estado  denomina

    En palabras del presidente  Correa,  la  burguesía
    cubana salió de la isla e intenta atacar al Gobierno de ese país. En
    cambio, a su juicio, la burguesía ecuatoriana prefirió quedarse en el
    país para frenar su “revolución ciudadana”.

    “En Ecuador, la
    burguesía se quedó adentro y trata de torpedear todos los procesos de
    cambio desde adentro, a través de una llamada prensa libre que en
    verdad es prensa en función de ciertos privilegios e intereses; a
    través de supuestas cámaras de producción; a través de ciertos sectores
    de la Iglesia; a través de supuestas organizaciones sociales”.

    el Primer Mandatario, esa supuesta conjunción entre grupos de poder y
    una parte de la  prensa se acentuará en el  proceso electoral,
    para afectar al Gobierno y a sus candidatos.

    “El panorama es
    complejo, será difícil, van a hacer lo imposible por desestabilizarnos,
    lo imposible por hacernos perder las elecciones. Ese es el desafío,
    pero nuestra respuesta será más democracia. Pondremos nuestros cargos
    siempre a consideración del pueblo ecuatoriano cuantas veces sea

    El 26 de abril el Ecuador asistirá a las urnas para
    elegir a todas sus autoridades de elección popular. El  Régimen y su
    movimiento  Acuerdo País se han trazado  tres grandes objetivos
    electorales: la reelección del presidente Rafael Correa, obtener la
    mayoría en la Asamblea Legislativa (Congreso) y captar la Alcaldía de

    “Los grupos de poder saben que están siendo
    derrotados por sucesivos procesos electorales en Ecuador, y van a poner
    toda la carne al asador para tratar de desestabilizar al Gobierno y
    hacernos perder las elecciones”.

    En su diálogo con el órgano de
    información oficial del Gobierno cubano, el Presidente también se
    refirió al proceso de integración en América Latina. En ese punto, 
    responsabilizó  al modelo económico de libre mercado de la ausencia de
    los problemas  que hay en la región.  “En lo social creo que falta
    mucho y no se va a lograr ese mucho mientras sigan los mismos modelos
    de antes, no es con más capitalismo, con más neoliberalismo, con más
    mercados que se van a solucionar esas cosas. A.  Latina necesita un
    modelo alternativo y en algunos países, Ecuador, Paraguay, Bolivia,
    Venezuela, está tratándose de hacer”.

    En sus dos años de
    mandato, el  gobierno de Correa ha intensificado sus relaciones con los
    países que forman la Alternativa Bolivariana para las Américas (Alba). 
    Ese bloque está integrado por Venezuela, Cuba, Bolivia, Nicaragua,
    Haití, Honduras y Dominica. La Alba busca ser un contrapeso geopolítico
    a la influencia de Estados Unidos en la región y cuenta con Irán como
    país observador.

    “Los gobiernos neoliberales se derrumbaron como
    castillos de naipes, por ahí sobreviven unos que otros, pero en general
    ha habido muchas victorias sucesivas de gobiernos de izquierda”.

    pronto podamos construir esa nueva estructura o arquitectura financiera
    regional, con un banco de desarrollo, con un fondo de reserva, con una
    moneda común incluso”, agregó.

    En la entrevista con el rotativo
    cubano, el presidente Correa  también formuló ciertos paralelismos
    entre la revolución cubana  y el proceso político que él lidera en el
    Ecuador. Incluso, dijo que su denominada revolución ciudadana también
    es “guevarista”, en referencia a Ernesto Guevara.

    un símbolo de lo que quiere ser la revolución ciudadana, esa clase de
    sacrificio al extremo, darlo todo por los ideales que nos sostienen,
    darlo todo por el servicio a los demás, darlo todo por la solidaridad.
    Así que es también un símbolo y un mensaje de que nuestra revolución
    ciudadana es alfarista, bolivariana, pero también guevarista”.

    “Los grupos de poder  van a poner toda la carne al asador para  hacernos perder las elecciones”.

    Derechos reservados ® 2001-2009 GRUPO EL COMERCIO C.A.

    Prohibida la reproducción total o parcial de este contenido sin autorización de Diario El Comercio

              Re:Politics - USA        
    Seaward wrote:
    Trump's an idiot and a buffoon. I'd love to not have to vote for him this cycle, but that would require the Democrats to a) guarantee not to throw up anti-2nd Amendment/anti-capitalist/anti-individual liberty justice nominations, and b) guarantee not to continue doing their best to reduce defense readiness and capability. Neither of those things will happen.

    But at least I'm perfectly willing to admit the massive flaws in the Republicans' nominee this year.
    You actually think Trump wouldn't just decide to nominate whomever he wants to the Supreme Court? You're a fool if you think otherwise.

    I go with Politico on this one:

    Politico wrote:And Sanders has long been unabashed about his socialist beliefs. “Nobody should earn more than $1 million,” he told the Burlington Free Press in 1974.

    “I believe that, in the long run, major industries in this state and nation should be publicly owned and controlled by the workers themselves,” he wrote in 1976.

    I suppose we then have to quibble about what he meant by 'major' industries.
    Okay, so you found something he said forty years ago and you think that he hasn't changed his mind since then. That's obviously a problem to you, but you'll be willing vote for the guy that supported Obama's call for stricter gun control after Newtown four years ago because you think he won't try to feth with our gun rights?

    I mean...let's be real, dude. He flew down as a guest of Ortega specifically to attend anti-American rallies, and reportedly joined in on the ""Yankees must die" chant.

    As far as the Socialist Workers Party platform...sure, I suppose it's possible he didn't actually believe in their platform. I'd personally probably not throw my lot in with a fringe third party spouting anti-American rhetoric during a national crisis if I didn't believe said anti-American rhetoric, but hell, Bernie's belief that he can win the nomination shows us his mental calculus isn't exactly the average person's.
    You're right, he did fly to Nicaragua and if he were the Democratic Party's nominee, I would expect him to have his feet held to fire over it. In the same breath, the United States still actively supported the Contras despite the fact that it was illegal to do so. I actually think he's a reasonably smart guy but I wouldn't vote for him. The primary system is gakky, but he isn't losing because it's rigged against him, he's losing because he's not a good candidate.

    I'd be careful throwing around "derposphere," by the way; you're backing a candidate who thinks cervical cancer is caused by sexual repression and that children should be encouraged to touch each other's genitals. And that's before we even get into his weird rape fantasy essays.
    Backing which candidate? Sanders? Please show me where I have ever stated support for Sanders. You have the same problem as Whembly, where you think that when someone disagrees with you or debunks your bs, that means they like the opposite of what you like. Here's some shocking news for you, I voted for Marco Rubio in Virginia's primary. I don't support Sanders or Clinton or Trump, I just have a low tolerance for sweeping, baseless generalizations.

    Cool. If you were talking about the "people's revolution" as a youth and still making the occasional slip and mentioning the "people's revolution" on the campaign trail in your '80s, I'm a lot more skeptical that your beliefs have changed.
    Sure, you're entitled to believe whatever you want, just admit that you're doing it solely because your biased against left wing politicians. Trump changes what he believes on a fething daily basis so there is no way to know what he actually thinks. That's a pretty serious issue for a major party candidate.
              Re:Politics - USA        
     ScootyPuffJunior wrote:
    You actually think Trump wouldn't just decide to nominate whomever he wants to the Supreme Court? You're a fool if you think otherwise.

    I think there's less risk of him nominating another Sotomayor than there is with Clinton.

    Okay, so you found something he said forty years ago and you think that he hasn't changed his mind since then.

    Largely because there's been no indication that he has.

    That's obviously a problem to you,

    And, I suspect, the balance of Americans. "Socialist" still ranks somewhere down with "pond scum" in terms of what the American public at large is willing to elect. I think even a hypothetical atheist polled higher.

    but you'll be willing vote for the guy that supported Obama's call for stricter gun control after Newtown four years ago because you think he won't try to feth with our gun rights?

    See above. He's less likely to fall into the "shoulder thing that goes up?" camp than Clinton. She won't be speaking to the NRA at any point during this cycle.

    Incidentally, I'd suggest actually reading the speech of Obama's he endorsed. For a guy who has a low tolerance for sweeping, baseless generalizations...well.

    You're right, he did fly to Nicaragua and if he were the Democratic Party's nominee, I would expect him to have his feet held to fire over it. In the same breath, the United States still actively supported the Contras despite the fact that it was illegal to do so.

    Oh, dear. You're arguing the legality? That's not what I'm arguing. Supporting anti-communist groups is better than supporting communist ones.

    Here's some shocking news for you, I voted for Marco Rubio in Virginia's primary.

    That is incredibly shocking, yeah, given your love for spitting fire about "reactionaries" and your support for unions and plenty of other lefty causes.

    I don't support Sanders or Clinton or Trump, I just have a low tolerance for sweeping, baseless generalizations.

    I'm going to have to take your word on that in lieu of evidence.

    Sure, you're entitled to believe whatever you want, just admit that you're doing it solely because your biased against left wing politicians.

    I'm a conservative libertarian. Of course I'm biased against left-wing politicians. Why on earth would you think I would have any trouble 'admitting' an intense distaste for left-wing politics and the people who support them?

    Trump changes what he believes on a fething daily basis so there is no way to know what he actually thinks. That's a pretty serious issue for a major party candidate.

    We'll see.

              Malamud: Y dale con el hiperpresidencialismo        
    En esta nota (acá), A. Malamud, el buen provocateur (siempre más interesado en ironizar que en presentar razones), vuelve a la carga (contra mí y otros) para minimizar o ridiculizar las referencias que solemos hacer en crítica al hiperpresidencialismo.

    Alguna vez busqué aclararle por qué hablamos de hiperpresidencialismo, y por qué dicha categoría no es, como él dice, una mera "licencia poética". Carlos Nino fundó la categoría, no a partir de una cuestión de gustos o por énfasis retórico (finalmente, Nino era un filósofo analítico, y no un politólogo). Él ponía atención en los poderes formales adicionales que en América Latina, las Constituciones, le concedieron al presidente, vis a vis el modelo que sirvió de ejemplo, el norteamericano. Los presidentes nacieron aquí con facultades especiales, como las de intervención federal que eran negadas en Estados Unidos; fuertes poderes para limitar derechos a través del estado de sitio (también hiper presente en la historia latinoamericana, y ausente en Estados Unidos); capacidad para nombrar y remover a puro gusto a sus ministros; y capacidades legislativas que la práctica (volveré sobre esto) convirtió en extraordinarias. Si a eso le sumamos su capacidad de control sobre el presupuesto, y el hecho de que la coparticipación federal, en países como la Argentina, se decide sobre la mesa presidencial, podemos entender las implicaciones de las diferencias de poderes concedidos de las que hablaba Nino. Insisto entonces, y éste es mi primer punto, no se trata de retórica, sino de funciones concedidas constitucionalmente, y de sus implicaciones prácticas. Si Malamud no entiende lo que implicó la intervención provincial o el estado de sitio en la historia de la Argentina, o Colombia, para decir dos casos notables, tiene un montón de libros de historia a mano que pueden ayudarle a detectar el problema, en lugar de ridiculizarlo (insisto también, lo conversé con él, y se muestra todavía impermeable al hecho, porque prefiere seguir ironizando).

    El segundo punto que quiero hacer tiene que ver con el sentido de la nota, que me resulta absurda y fuera de lugar. Porque, aunque es claro a quién(es) ataca A.M., no es claro qué es lo que tiene por decir; ni cuál es el problema que quiere confrontar; o el argumento que quiere controvertir. Esto es:  qué está haciendo A.M.? 

    Porque el (en este excepcional caso) aburrido racconto que presenta, nos dice que algunos presidentes latinoamericanos dejaron sus cargos antes de tiempo; o que otros están acosados judicialmente, o viviendo en el exilio. Pero entonces qué? Qué es lo que nos dice o agrega ello? Su escrito resulta realmente curioso, porque, en buena medida, eso era justamente lo que Nino, Linz and co., querían decir cuando atacaban al hiperpresidencialismo que A.M. ridiculiza: al concentrar el poder de decisiones en una persona, se genera una dinámica de no-cooperación y suma cero, que afecta la estabilidad de los presidentes; tornándolos objeto de persecución y ataques. O sea que lo que Malamud cita para refutar aquellos escritos es justamente lo que reafirma el sentido y "éxito" de aquellos.

    Ninguna de las críticas hechas al hiperpresidencialismo quiso decir nunca que ellos (los hiperpresidentes) no tienen controles, o que duran para siempre, o que no van a enfrentar procesos judiciales, o que no van a ser impopulares en un momento, o que no van a enfrentar procesos al fin de su mandato. Exactamente todo lo contrario (tales estudios quisieron predecir que los hiperpresidentes estaban destinados, habitualmente, a perder de modo abrupto popularidad, iban a ser perseguidos, y todo ello iba a poner en riesgo la misma gobernabilidad del sistema que con las "facultades del rey" venían a salvar de la anarquía). Entonces, qué quiere afirmar A.M.? Qué argumento desafía o refuta, salvo las caricaturas o espantapájaros que se ha construido?

    Citar, por lo demás, algunas decisiones judiciales en Colombia, contra la reelección (aunque debería leer algo más de la jurisprudencia colombiana en torno a los poderes presidenciales), no agrega mucho, sino que más bien resta, porque Colombia es considerada en la materia la excepción y no la regla en la región. Quiere A.M. que cite uno 20 o 50 casos alternativos en Ecuador, Bolivia, Honduras, Nicaragua o Venezuela, sobre las relaciones entre el poder judicial y el poder ejecutivo, y el sometimiento del primero al segundo? 

    Porque ésa es finalmente la cuestión: la práctica del hiperpresidencialismo distorsiona el funcionamiento del sistema de frenos y contrapesos. Típicamente, y esto ha sido una realidad en la historia latinoamericana, esa distorsión ha implicado el sometimiento del poder judicial; la ampliación de la capacidad de impacto del presidente, muchas veces opacando al poder legislativo o convirtiéndolo en mera escribanía; y siempre con recursos económicos y coercitivos infinitos, y beneficios y posiciones también infinitas para repartir que le permiten expandir su capacidad de dominación sobre el resto. Se trata de datos que constituyen ya rasgos definitorios de la historia contemporánea de América Latina, de la que Malamud debiera tomar nota (aunque no es claro que le interese hacerlo). 

    Dos últimas cuestiones. Por un lado, la crítica al hiperpresidencialismo no implica un elogio a la "institucionalidad de los países normales." En mi caso, repudio por sus componentes elitistas y contra-mayoritarios a ese tipo de sistemas (escribí mi tesis doctoral sobre/contra ese estilo de democracias constitucionales), y eso es perfectamente consistente con agregar otro tipo de críticas hacia los hiperpresidencialismos regionales.

    Finalmente, cito su conclusión: "En síntesis, los presidentes latinoamericanos suelen tener poder limitado, mandato acortado, sucesor renegado y libertad denegada."

    Otra vez, A.M. muestra un mayor interés en cerrar con una frase de impacto que en presentar un argumento. La frase es puro fuegos artificiales, incapaz de dañar a nadie, ni aportar nada serio al debate público sobre el tema. Será la próxima, sin dudas.

    Location Nicaragua (Nicaragua)
              En el mes de la herencia hispana, tres deportistas latinos que nos ponen en alto        
    Dalia Torres, nadadora olímpica de Nicaragua; Kevin Cordón, de Guatemala, jugador de la Selección Nacional de Badminton; Andrey Fonseca, de Costa Rica y ganador en ciclismo de montaña, hablan con Horacio Gioffré y José Carlos Ortiz en Tercer Tiempo.
              Partnership to Save The Endangered Scarlet Macaw        
    National Audubon Society and Belize Audubon Society Help Protect Belize’s Endangered Scarlet Macaw with the Scarlet Six Biomonitoring Team The National Audubon Society has been a strong partner and supporter of the Belize Audubon Society for almost a decade. Conservation is the central pillar for this partnership which has truly benefited both people and the environment of Belize. More recently, National Audubon has provided funding to strengthen Belize Audubon Society’s co-managed protected areas by supporting its community outreach, environmental education, protected areas management, and biodiversity research and monitoring programs. They have also provided training opportunities for staff.  To show its commitment to the success of conservation actions in Belize, National Audubon Society has chimed in to champion the work of the Scarlet Six Biomonitoring Team whose mandate is to protect the Scarlet Macaws (Ara macao) and other endangered species in their natural habitat. This charismatic species is described as ‘endangered’ in Belize (Meerman 2005) with less than 250 individuals (Matola 1999). The northern subspecies A.m. cyanoptera, which has declined significantly, disjunctly ranges from northeastern Nicaragua to southern Mexico. Historically, the individuals found in the northern part of the range (Mexico, Guatemala, and Belize) were a single, unique population. Today however, […]
              [PRESENTACION] Hola desde Nicaragua.        
    Hola me presento desde Nicaragua.

    me llamo R. M.

              Connecting cultures with songs of passion        
    Mariachi music was not initially Acencion Inestroza’s strong suit. He grew up listening to traditional country music from Nicaragua, and played the piano in a salsa band. But it didn’t take him long before he was playing violin and trumpet, mariachi style. Today, he leads the Hendersonville-based Mariachi Fiesta Tapatia.
              Top 10 Things To Eat In Nicaragua        

    You’ve just arrived in Nicaragua and you’re looking for the top things to eat in Nicaragua because that peanut butter jar that you, the savvy traveler, have packed is down to its last spoonful. Your heart sinks when you realize that maybe they don’t sell peanut butter in Nicaragua. Pangs of hunger remind you of the […]

    The post Top 10 Things To Eat In Nicaragua appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              Ducks, Drugs And Dance Meditation: My Failed Stay At A Nicaraguan Permaculture Farm        

    The man walked blindfolded between our outstretched fingers as we caressed him with leaves and feathers. Other hands reached out to caress or hold him. “You are loved,” someone whispered. “I love you,” echoed another. He ended his walk in the arms of the oldest man and woman on the farm. They cradled him as […]

    The post Ducks, Drugs And Dance Meditation: My Failed Stay At A Nicaraguan Permaculture Farm appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              Top 10 Things To Do In Nicaragua        

    Nicaragua is beginning to appear on the radar of travelers, with its natural beauty and old-fashioned charm that neither tourism nor internal strife has ruined. It’s a low-key, slow-moving Latin American culture, inexpensive to travel and live in, and is often referred to as “Costa Rica 30 years ago.” Nicaragua is easy to travel within […]

    The post Top 10 Things To Do In Nicaragua appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              Southern Nicaragua: Bargain Paradise        

    Pan-American Transmissions Part Two “Pan-American Transmissions” is a travel series from Special Contributor Diego Cupolo as he travels south from Nicaragua to Argentina. He has few plans, a $10-a-day budget and one flute-playing gypsy companion. Check back as new dispatches are posted from the road. Don’t assume that you need lots of money to travel. […]

    The post Southern Nicaragua: Bargain Paradise appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              Where Is Nicaragua Again?        

    Where is Nicaragua again? It may be a crashing generalization, but for many people, Nicaragua could just as well be the name of a new prescription to help you stop smoking (just in case you didn’t know, it’s a beautifully diverse Central American country just north of Costa Rica and south of Honduras, with both […]

    The post Where Is Nicaragua Again? appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              Traveling Cheap In Central America, The Frugal Traveler Way        

    Have you been following the exploits of the newly-installed Frugal Traveler, Seth Kugel, this summer as he’s been making his way from São Paulo to New York? This month alone he’s traipsed around Los Zorros, a seaside fishing village on the Pacific coast of Nicaragua, with his parents; shacked up with a local family in […]

    The post Traveling Cheap In Central America, The Frugal Traveler Way appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              When You Think Nicaragua, You Think Mark Twain, Right?        

    It’s classic travel writing fodder: choose famous author, research trips they took during their lifetime, emulate one such trip. In fact, Rolf Potts wrote about this “tidy narrative formula” in his recent book “Marco Polo Didn’t Go There,” where he pointed out how this classic format is a great angle to pitch to editors. Which […]

    The post When You Think Nicaragua, You Think Mark Twain, Right? appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              Planning That Dream Nicaraguan Wedding        

    Party. Destination. Wedding. What’s not to love? In my own search for the ultimate wedding (think– wedding piñata), I couldn’t help but continually envisioning my impending wedding as the destination type. That idea never came to fruition. Luckily for me, my piñata idea is a go. Luckily for my family, Montana is a destination. In the end it all works out. You […]

    The post Planning That Dream Nicaraguan Wedding appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              Is Everybody Talking About Nicaragua’s Little Corn Island?        

    So what does it mean exactly when the Wall Street Journal is talking up Nicaragua? Is it kind of like when you were a teenager and the second your parents had heard of your favorite band you instantly thought that band wasn’t cool anymore? (See, in this extended metaphor the WSJ is your parents ’cause, […]

    The post Is Everybody Talking About Nicaragua’s Little Corn Island? appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              Nicaragua: Costa Rica Without The Rica        

    I had some relatively unfamiliar free time the other day and found myself reading an article titled “Cheap but Chic Destinations.” I have to admit, “chic” is not included in my vocabulary, but it was “cheap” that reeled me in. I sifted through the mandatory sentences that you would expect to see under this title, like […]

    The post Nicaragua: Costa Rica Without The Rica appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              Granada On Haphazard Guitar Strings        

    A night out on the town in Granada, Nicaragua, with a Canadian, a Rastafarian painter, and an ex-revolutionary. Does it get any better than this? By Luke Armstrong España was beautiful, young, Argentinean, and when she came up to talk to me on a bus heading towards the Costa Rican-Nicaraguan border to ask if I […]

    The post Granada On Haphazard Guitar Strings appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              Where Are This Winter’s Hot Spots In Latin America?        

    The NY Daily News ticks off some of their favorite hotspots this summer in Latin America. A few may not exactly be terribly insightful (it’s a given Buenos Aires and Rio are great to see come late November), but there were a few good suggestions here I’d take some time to check out. Nicaragua’s San […]

    The post Where Are This Winter’s Hot Spots In Latin America? appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              Island Paradise In The Middle Of Nicaragua        

    Hop on a short ferry ride from the shores of Lake Nicaragua, Central America’s largest lake, and head to Ometepe, an island formed by two giant volcanoes and one of Nicaragua’s most well-known, but not necessarily most-visited spots (also rumored to be gunning for the 74th spot on the seven natural wonders of the world […]

    The post Island Paradise In The Middle Of Nicaragua appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

              How About A Volcano Vacation?        

    Did you know that Nicaragua is called “the country of Lakes and Volcanoes” (at least by good friends)? Take a look at what it’s like to visit a few of these spectacular sights. My highlight is at 1:10. Come on, a volcano lake has got to be better than your standard lake, right?

    The post How About A Volcano Vacation? appeared first on TheExpeditioner Travel Site.

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              R.I.P. 2016 - Year in Review        
    Here's my attempt at 'understatement of the year'... 2016 was interesting. A number of astounding things unfolded. Some good, some bad, some horrid. All making my personal achievements for the past 365 seem insignificant, and absolutely trivial. 

    In January, North Korea announced that it had successfully conducted a hydrogen bomb test. On February 1, World Health Org declared Zika a Public Health Emergency. Later in the month Bernie Sanders won the New Hampshire primary and gave hope to those of us who someday wish for climate change awareness, equal rights, accessible healthcare, quality education, and substantial change in the United States. 

    In March, Obama became the first US president in 88 years to travel to Cuba, lifting the travel embargo. On March 22, attacks in Brussels killed more than 30. On Easter Sunday, a suicide blast in a park in Pakistan killed 69.  

    On April 3, The Int'l Consortium of Investigative Journalists published the 'Panama Papers', which outlines how a Panamanian law firm established secret shell companies and offshore accounts for elite global power players. On April 16, a 7.8-magnitude earthquake struck off the coast of Ecuador, killing 663 people.  

    In May, Eric Fanning became secretary of the Army, making him the first openly gay secretary in the US military. On June 23, the United Kingdom surprisingly voted to leave the European Union, effectively making England the butt of many a 'Brexit' joke. Unfortunately, later in November the world stage would have a new clown to mock.  

    On July 19, sadly my birthday, Donald Trump officially became the Republican Party nominee for president. On July 26, Hillary Clinton became the Democratic Party nominee for president, and the first woman in the history of the United States to lead the presidential ticket of a major political party. On July 3, a suicide car bomb detonated in Baghdad, Iraq, killing at least 292. On July 14, a truck plowed into crowds on the Promenade in Nice, France, killing 85 and injuring 200.  

    On September 9, North Korea claimed to have successfully detonated a nuclear warhead. In early October, Hurricane Matthew made landfall in Haiti, tearing through the Caribbean nation killing more than 500.  

    On November 8 (after substantially losing the popular vote) Donald Trump was elected President of the United States. On November 22, the Dow Jones Industrial closed at over 19k for the first time ever, signaling that while humanity is lost, at least our economy continues to steadily grow. On November 28, a plane ran out of fuel and crashed near Medellin, Colombia killing more than 70 people, including the majority of the Brazilian soccer team Chapecoense.  

    On December 10, 44 people are killed and 155 injured in bombings in Istanbul, Turkey. On the 11th, a bomb killed 25 during morning mass in Cairo, and another car bomb killed 20 in Mogadishu, Somalia. On the 19th, a truck ran into a Christmas market in Berlin, killing 12 and injuring 48.

    Marking a very somber year, there were too many notable deaths to mention throughout. David Bowie, Harper Lee, Nancy Reagan, Prince, Muhammad Ali, Gene Wilder, Leonard Cohen, Fidel Castro, John Glenn, and many many more. Finally, there were far too many shootings in the United States to highlight. A sad fact about the state of our union in 2016.


    From a personal perspective, again an understatement, 2016 was interesting. I was able to accomplish some lofty goals, and also travel to several far flung locations.

    In early January I founded a group called the NYC Adventure Cycling Club. It now has a wonderful leadership team, over 1k members, and continues to provide unique group rides and 'overnighters' throughout the northeast. Most importantly, it allowed me to meet amazing, lifelong friends. Really, it was more of a social club on two wheels. Some have even said it's a "drinking group with a cycling problem". Regardless, big shout out to Colin and Chris. Keep up the amazing work running the show!  

    A bit later in January, I was able to explore the amazing areas of Tulum and Akumal in Mexico. This was part of my family's annual 'Destination Christmas' idea, which has removed all gifts and replaced them with quality time together in an exotic environment.

    In early February, my sister ordered and received a copy of 'Someday Never Maybe', a blog-to-book recounting my one-year, 24k mile motorcycle journey to/through Central and South America. This marked one of the first 'paid' copies to be shipped. Although it's family, and my sales will most likely remain in single digits, it feels nice to have a published physical book that I can look back on someday.  

    In early March the NYC Adventure Cycling Club completed the first of many organized overnight rides. Although cold, we had a solid group of amazing individuals show. Thanks Chris, Anna, Bert, Colin, and George. We'll look back on that long weekend up to Harriman with fond memories of smiles, laughter, and good friendship.  

    In April I traveled all over the United States for work on a whirlwind tour. Miami, LA, Seattle, Vegas, you name it. I was also invited on a fun trip to explore New Orleans with Jen. Later that month I joined my good friends Peter and Sam in Austin for a MotoGP boys weekend. Foggy memories of that one, but I'm certain we had an amazing time. Finally, I popped down to Nicaragua to revisit a few places I'd uncovered on my moto trip, and explore a couple of business opportunities.  

    In May I continued to explore my incredible home, New York City. It takes awhile to feel 'at home' in NY, but I'd made friends, knew where my favorite bagel and pizza shops were, and was able to navigate the subway with eyes closed. I don't know if I'll ever be a New Yorker, but the city in Spring was beginning to unfold and present itself to me in a way that's hard to explain for those who haven't lived there.  

    On June 11th, I quit yet another fantastic job, and my father and I set off from Brooklyn to ride bicycles for 100 days across the country. On September 18th, 4,519mi later, we dipped our wheels into the Pacific. Following the adventure, I was able to sample the #vanlife by renting a ridiculous minivan and road tripping through the PNW, into Canada, then back 'home' to Denver. It was a lovely way to end the bike journey, and nice to explore and spend more time with Jen.  

    In October, I found myself in Mexico yet again. This round to explore the beautiful city of Guadalajara. I sampled wonderful tequila, met rad people, and ate fantastic street food. Later that month I made way down to the Caribbean. Jen accepted a one-year contract in St Lucia with the Ministry of Education, so I figured I'd spend time getting her settled in, and do a bit of 'exploring' myself. My first stop was the lovely fishing village of Castara, Tobago. 

    Then from Nov 4th - Dec 28th I was 'living' in St Lucia alongside Jen. During my time there we explored the island together. I also checked another item off ye olde bucket list by spending a month learning and becoming officially certified to sail. I now hold Competent Crew, Flotilla Skipper, and Bareboat Captain IYT certifications, and can fully charter my own boat with confidence. I even captained an overnight trip to Martinique to explore St Anne's French bread and croissants. Happy to report, they're both amazing.

    So now I find myself back in Castara, Tobago. I've been contracted to assist a small, boutique hotel to build their website and help with sales/marketing efforts. I'll be here for five weeks, then it's off to Panama to explore several land/business opportunities. Finally, at the end of Feb I'll make way to Cali, Colombia to spend some time dancing salsa, practicing Spanish, and looking at a business there. After that? Honestly I have no idea. An idea that's terrifying, but apparently just the way I want it. Some say life begins at the end of the comfort zone. Sure, we'll go with that, this year was slightly uncomfortable. 

    What a fucking year...  Let's put 2016 to bed. See you soon 2017. 

              Bro. Raul Castro: Our Strength is Honduras’ Strength        

    Cuban News Agency July 3, 2007

    Our Strength is Honduras’ Strength

    “Our first message for the Honduran people is of solidarity and encouragement”, affirmed Cuban President Raul Castro during the extraordinary session of the Summit of the Rio Group held in Managua, Nicaragua last Monday.

    During the meeting, important agreements were approved in favor of reinstating constitutionally elected President Manuel Zelaya as the legitimate representative of Honduras, after being brutally ousted in a coup perpetrated by the right wing military serving the country’s oligarchy.

    The withdrawal of Latin American ambassadors from Honduras, the cutting of oil supplies, the closure of the Honduran border with other Central American nations, a surging wave of international condemnation, the suspension of economic agreements and bank credits with the country while the power remains in the hands of the de facto government, are just some of the measures agreed on by the heads of states that attended the Managua Summit.

    These are valid accords in favor of truth and democracy on behalf of the member nations of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our Americas and the Rio Group.

    Meanwhile, the UN General Assembly held a session condemning the coup [...]

              Richard Roberts explains God’s Love Invading the Hard Villages        
    Hunger requires a Voice Reaches Out to Nicaragua's Needy Nine-year-old Fabiola spends most days digging thru piles of garbage at La Chureca-Managua's dump. Her hands and feet are soiled and cut up from working in the rubbish. She chews on plastic to dull her pangs of hunger. Thanks to the outreach team of Hunger needs a Voice, controlled by Jordan Roberts, Fabiola takes a break from her labor to get a medical check-up.

    As a doctor examines her feet for cuts and bruises, she examines him. For a long time, she remains scared. But ultimately, she starts to grin.

    This Apr, with the support of our chums and Partners, Hunger needs a Voice paid a visit to the broke in and around Managua, Nicaragua sharing food, drugs, and the healing love of Christ with tons of hungry and hurting youngsters like Fabiola. Hope in the Middle of Elimination The view overlooking La Chureca is devastating.

    Hills of rubbish extend so far as the eye can see. Carrion birds circle overhead. Sour smoke fills the air. More than 1,000 valuable people make their home within the dump. A coarse and rocky road leads thru the dirty piles of trash to their small huts.

    They work in the rubbish heaps, attempting to find items they can eat, use, or sell. Conditions are so disease-ridden and unsanitary that plenty of the people that live here suffer severely from coughs, asthma, lice, parasite infections, HIV/AIDS , and conditions due to vitamin deficiencies. These folks also suffer in their souls. brought about in desperate situations like this one.

    About Richard Roberts
    Richard is the boss and boss of Oral Roberts Evangelistic organisation and also co-chairman of International suave Bible Ministries. He and his wife, Lindsay, host a nationally syndicated TV program, the location for Miracles : Your Hour of Healing-a one-hour, interactive daily broadcast that reaches out to millions. On this unique healing program, Richard ministers in the power of the Lord, praying for those who are sick or injuring in some area of their lives, and often giving specific words of information about how God is touching people with His healing power. The spot for Miracles has received more than 117,000 phone calls to date from viewers who have reported miracles and answers to prayer.
              Stop Red Bill        

    RED BILL EXPOSED! America's Survival, Inc. releases 84-page dossier on "Red Bill" de Blasio, the NYC Mayoral candidate. Click here to see Power Point presentation and evidence. Attend our Thursday, October 24, press conference at the Hotel Pennsylvania (across from Penn Station), at 401 7th Ave, New York, New York, 10001, in the Gold Ballroom, from 12:30 – 3:00 pm.
    Hillary Clinton Hosts Fundraiser for Red Bill De Blasio Co-Chaired by Convicted Criminal
    NYC Mayor Candidate Bill de Blasio Supported Sandinistas, Active Allies of "Palestinian" Jihadists
    De Blasio Tells Muslims He’ll End Broad NYPD Spying If Elected
    "Muslims for de Blasio" Rally: De Blasio stands shoulder to shoulder with terror apologist who calls Zionism “racism”
    Bill de Blasio's (nee Wilhelm) support for jihad against Israel
    NYC Mayoral Candidate De Blasio supported suppressing internal dissent, clamping down on a free press, antisemitism and persecuting the church and labor unions
    NYC Mayoral Race: Join me at Press Conference Exposing de Blasio, October 24, Hotel Pennsylvania

    Tuesday, October 22, 2013

    Sunday, October 20, 2013

    Thursday, October 17, 2013

    Wednesday, October 16, 2013

    Tuesday, October 15, 2013

    Monday, October 14, 2013

              Nasa zweifelt an Meteoriteneinschlag        
    Streit um einen Krater: In Nicaragua sei ein Meteorit eingeschlagen, melden Wissenschaftler des Landes. Doch ein Nasa-Forscher widerspricht - ein entscheidendes Indiz fehle.
              Meteorit trifft Hauptstadt Managua        
    Ein Meteoriteneinschlag hat die Menschen der Hauptstadt Nicaraguas in Angst versetzt. In der Nähe des Flughafens gab es in der Nacht zum Sonntag eine starke Explosion. Verletzt wurde niemand - zurück bleibt ein 12-Meter-Krater.
              Ordained as a Nation        

    Pankaj Mishra

    • The Wilsonian Moment: Self-Determination and the International Origins of Anti-Colonial Nationalism by Erez Manela Buy this book



    Early in The Wilsonian Moment, Erez Manela tells a story about Ho Chi Minh that I often heard in student Communist circles in India. Ho was an indigent worker in Paris when Woodrow Wilson arrived in the city in 1919 with a plan to make the world ‘safe for democracy’. Inspired by Wilson’s advocacy of national self-determination, Ho sought an audience with the US president, hoping to persuade him to use his new influence to restore Vietnamese rule in French Indo-China. He carefully quoted from the US Declaration of Independence in his petition. In Manela’s more poignant version, he also rented a morning suit. Needless to say, Ho got nowhere near Wilson or any other Western leader; he found a sympathetic audience only among French Communists.

    Many Communist students I knew in India repeated with reverence the story of Ho’s failed mission because it appeared to confirm their ur-text, Lenin’s Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism. Written in 1916, this pamphlet had proved that Wilson was as unlikely to restore Indo-China to the Vietnamese as he was to withdraw American troops from Panama. The United States was as much of an imperialist power as Britain and Japan, greedy for resources, territory and markets, part of a capitalist world system of oppression and plunder whose inherent instability had caused the Great War.

    Lenin’s text came to many of us in the Indian provinces as an exhilarating revelation. No amount of praise appeared sufficient for the Soviet leader who had pre-empted Wilson in calling for national self-determination. Hadn’t he exposed the secret agreement between France, Britain and tsarist Russia to carve up the Middle East, among other booty of the imperialist war? True to his anti-imperialist rhetoric, he had promised autonomy to Russia’s ethnic minorities and had voluntarily given up the special concessions Russia enjoyed in subjugated China along with other Western powers and Japan.

    Communist study circles did not of course discuss what Stalin made of Lenin’s promise to Russia’s ethnic nationalities, or how Asian Communists overturned Lenin’s facile equation – imperialism equals monopoly capitalism – when in the early 1960s China accused the Soviet Union of imperialist aggression. I learned even less about the capitalist rival of Marxist internationalism: liberal internationalism, which originated in the Progressive Movement of the United States and, as eloquently articulated by Woodrow Wilson, enjoyed worldwide appeal for a few hopeful months after the end of the First World War, when a new world order seemed likely to rise on the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian, German, Ottoman and Russian Empires.

    Trawling through four national archives, Manela has produced an immensely rich and important work of comparative politics centred on the ‘Wilsonian moment’, which he dates from autumn 1918 to spring 1919. ‘Disseminated to a growing global audience’, Wilson’s rousing speeches leading up to the Paris Peace Conference earned him, as Maynard Keynes later recorded, ‘a prestige and a moral influence throughout the world unequalled in history’. Emboldened by him, nationalist leaders in Egypt and India joined Sinn Féin in seriously challenging British authority, and China and Korea grew more aggressive in their demands for political and economic autonomy.

    Anti-colonialists everywhere had been transfixed by the swift rise of the United States, a new political and economic power rare among Western nations for possessing a strong tradition of anti-imperialism. For much of the 19th century, the United States had been isolationist in its foreign policy and protectionist in its economic; and its footprint was light in Asia and Africa, where, as even Raymond Aron conceded, the natives did not need to read or even understand Lenin, or have to deal with a repressive imperial police state, to identify Europe with imperialism. There was enough evidence for it in everyday life and memory: ‘the exploitation of raw materials without any attempt to create local industry; the destruction of native crafts and the stunted growth of industrial development that resulted from the influx of European goods; high interest rates on loans; ownership of major businesses by foreign capitalists’.

    The war, which enfeebled the economies of the major imperialist powers – Britain, Germany and France – and further discredited their regimes, endowed America with both power and moral prestige. Wilson, who barely had a foreign policy before war broke out in Europe in 1914, wasn’t slow to realise the implications of European turmoil for the United States; and he fleshed out a new and noble American sense of mission before he reluctantly took his country into the European war. ‘We are provincials no longer,’ he famously declared in his second inaugural address in March 1917. Though still publicly opposed to American intervention in the war, he insisted that ‘our own fortunes as a nation are involved whether we would have it so or not.’

    In speeches addressed to ‘the peoples of the countries now at war’ he burnished his credentials as a mediator who could negotiate what he called (borrowing the phrase from Walter Lippmann, the energetic young editor of the New Republic) a ‘peace without victory’. Later, he would propose a much more unusual and high-minded plan for enduring peace – replacing militarist regimes with democracies – which liberal intellectuals as well as conservative politicians would invoke with diminishing returns throughout the 20th century, culminating in the invasion of Iraq in 2003, which inspired the New Republic to declare George W. Bush ‘the most Wilsonian president since Wilson himself’.

    Wilson had begun to outline the American preference for regime change in unfriendly countries well before he declared war on Germany. Faced in late 1913 with revolution and the likely rejection of American influence in Mexico, he had decided to ‘teach the South American republics to elect good men’. ‘When properly directed,’ he claimed, ‘there is no people not fitted for self-government.’ Wilson was also convinced that proper direction in the postwar order could be provided only by the United States. When his peace overtures failed, he went to war in April 1917, still confident that ‘we are chosen, and prominently chosen, to show the way to the nations of the world how they shall walk in the paths of liberty.’

    Wilson, an academic by training, was fortified in his convictions by such liberal intellectuals as John Dewey, Walter Lippmann and Herbert Croly (co-founder of the New Republic), who believed that by joining the war America would make the world safe for democracy rather than, as was the case, help the Allied powers deliver a knockout blow to the Germans. As Randolph Bourne, a young critic whose opposition to American intervention made him an outcast among liberal intellectuals, pointed out as early as August 1917, the United States had lost whatever leverage it had as an impartial mediator when it declared war on Germany.

    Nevertheless, Wilson pressed ahead with his scheme for a democratic international order, which he hoped would be cemented by a League of Nations. Speaking to Congress in January 1918 he revealed his most ambitious project yet: a 14-point manifesto for the new world envisaged by the United States. Secret diplomacy was to have no place, and free trade, popular government, freedom of the seas, the reduction of armaments, the rights of small countries, and an association of nations to keep the peace were to be the new articles of faith.

    Wilson’s Fourteen Points would have been lofty ideals at any time (God, as Clemenceau joked, had only ten). They were particularly unrealistic during a global war that would soon end with Britain, France and Japan adding to their possessions in the Middle East, Africa and East Asia. As it turned out, Wilson was soon forced to compromise his ideals while dealing with the victorious allies at the postwar peace conference in Paris.

    It is likely that Wilson would not have stepped up the rhetorical ante in January 1918 if the Bolsheviks had not withdrawn Russia from the war and called on workers and soldiers to cease fighting one another and become revolutionaries against their own rulers. In asserting that America was fighting for a better world, Wilson was trying to undercut Bolshevik claims that the war was a struggle among imperialist powers, with the victorious elites likely to share the spoils. He aimed to influence those Americans and Europeans who, growing tired of the endless fighting, appeared dangerously susceptible to Bolshevik propaganda. Almost by accident, he reached a much bigger and more receptive audience in the colonised world.

    Marxism was then being studied and debated in many Asian cities and towns where European traders and missionaries had set up Western-style educational institutions. But the Russian Revolution and its anti-imperialist ethos was not much known. The United States, too, was an unknown player in international relations, and its record in the Philippines or Latin America – Wilson’s imposition, for instance, of military protectorates on Haiti and Nicaragua – went mostly unexamined. Boosted by a slick propaganda campaign, Wilson easily won the first round of his war of ideas with the Bolsheviks, heralding a world where small nations would enjoy the right of self-determination. And so ‘when peace came,’ Manela writes, ‘colonial peoples moved to claim their place in that world on the basis of Wilson’s proclamations.’

    In Egypt, Sa’d Zaghlul, a liberal reformist, organised a new political party called the Wafd (‘delegation’) in preparation for the Paris Peace Conference. Soon after war began, the British had declared Egypt a protectorate of the British Empire, formalising their invasion and occupation of the country in 1882. Zaghlul, who is known in Egypt as the Father of the Nation, denounced the protectorate as illegal and hoped to enlist Wilson on his side. ‘No people more than the Egyptian people,’ he wrote in a telegram to Wilson, ‘has felt strongly the joyous emotion of the birth of a new era which, thanks to your virile action, is soon going to impose itself upon the universe.’

    Inspired by Wilson’s rhetoric, nationalist leaders in Korea wrote their own Declaration of Independence. Expectations ran even higher in India and China, which had contributed more than a million soldiers and labourers to the Allied war effort in Europe and the Middle East. Tagore wanted to dedicate one of his books to Wilson and, stirred by Wilson’s wartime speeches, Hindu and Muslim leaders of the Indian National Congress jointly demanded to send their delegates – Gandhi among them – to represent India at the peace conference. In Beijing students gathered in front of the American Embassy chanting ‘Long Live President Wilson!’ Liang Qichao, the reformist intellectual and earliest inspiration of Mao Zedong, went to Paris to ensure that China’s sovereignty was respected by the victorious powers, particularly Japan, which, in a campaign green-lighted by Britain during the war, had seized German-held territory in the Shandong peninsula.

    Asians and Africans accustomed to stonewalling colonial officials were naturally attracted to the generous promises of the American president. But Wilson, a Southerner who shared the reflexive racism of many in his class and generation (and liked to tell jokes about ‘darkies’), was an unlikely hero in the alleys of Delhi, Cairo and Canton. Piously Presbyterian, and a helpless anglophile (he had courted his wife with quotations from Bagehot and Burke), he had hoped that in the Philippines and Puerto Rico the United States would follow the British tradition of instructing ‘less civilised’ peoples in law and order. After all, ‘they are children and we are men in these deep matters of government and justice.’

    Ho Chi Minh would not have bothered to rent a morning suit had he known that Wilson believed as much as his bellicose rival Theodore Roosevelt in America’s responsibility to shoulder the white man’s burden. In January 1917 Wilson argued that America should stay out of the war in order, as he said in a cabinet meeting, to ‘keep the white race strong against the yellow – Japan for instance’. He believed, as he told his secretary of state, Robert Lansing, that ‘“white civilisation” and its domination over the world rested largely on our ability to keep this country intact.’ Though apparently all-encompassing, his rhetoric about self-determination was aimed at the European peoples – Poles, Romanians, Czechs, Serbs – who were part of the German, Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman Empires. In his effort to establish the League of Nations as a framework for collective security and enduring peace in Europe, he had little interest in persuading Britain and France to relinquish their colonial possessions.

    Not that this was possible. Wilson had had his chance in the spring of 1917 when he first heard of the secret treaties that outlined how Britain, France, Japan and Italy planned to divide up entire empires among themselves after the war. He could have made American intervention contingent on the Allied powers cancelling these arrangements. Instead, he pretended that the treaties didn’t exist, and even tried to prevent their publication in the US after the Bolsheviks exposed their existence.

    Travelling to Europe in 1919, Wilson hoped to appeal directly to the people, over the heads of their leaders. Ecstatic crowds in France and Italy credited him with hastening the end of a deeply unloved war, but in Paris he confronted hardened and cynical imperialists in Lloyd George and Clemenceau. After several internecine wars, Europe’s imperial powers had arrived at a balance-of-power politics. Their representatives in Paris hoped to restore the equilibrium that war had disrupted by reducing Germany’s power; and Wilson kept compromising in the hope that old and new problems in the world order would be solved by his cherished League of Nations.

    Mao Zedong caught Wilson’s haplessness in Paris perfectly:

    Wilson in Paris was like an ant on a hot skillet. He didn’t know what to do. He was surrounded by thieves like Clemenceau, Lloyd George, Makino and Orlando. He heard nothing except accounts of receiving certain amounts of territory and of reparations worth so much in gold. He did nothing except to attend various kinds of meetings where he could not speak his mind. One day a Reuters telegram read: ‘President Wilson has finally agreed with Clemenceau’s view that Germany not be admitted to the League of Nations.’ When I saw the words ‘finally agreed’, I felt sorry for him for a long time. Poor Wilson!

    The League, rejected by the US Senate, turned out to be a fiasco. Wilson’s failures in Paris angered and eventually lost him his liberal supporters at the New Republic. Defeated over Germany, he barely put up a fight when it came to the rights of non-European peoples, many of whom – including the Persians and Syrians – did not get a hearing at the conference. Though backed by a majority of votes, a clause for racial equality proposed by the Japanese delegation foundered because Wilson feared alienating the British and their Australian allies, who wanted to maintain their White Australia Policy.

    To a large extent anglophilia blinded Wilson and his advisers, mostly members of the East Coast WASP elite, to anti-colonial feelings in Asia and Africa. The American secretary of state fully backed British rule over Egypt. Allen Dulles, a future Cold Warrior who was then a state department official, suggested that Egyptian demands ‘should not even be acknowledged’. The British, working the special relationship to their advantage, ensured that petitions sent to Wilson in Paris were filed away never to be heard of again; they also told Wilson that Tagore was a dangerous revolutionary (he didn’t get permission for his dedication).

    Indian and Korean nationalists didn’t get anywhere near Paris. India was represented by a delegation picked by the British, including a maharajah in a flamboyant red turban. The Egyptians suffered a deeper humiliation. In March 1919 the British arrested Zaghlul and deported him to Malta, provoking widespread public protests in Egypt – what later came to be known as the 1919 Revolution. Faced with nationwide revolt, the British relented and allowed Zaghlul to go to Paris. But while he was honing his English, the British managed to persuade the Americans that Bolsheviks had plotted with Islamic fanatics to fuel the unrest in Egypt. Zaghlul was on his way from Marseille to Paris when Wilson recognised the British protectorate. The Egyptian journalist Muhammad Haykal expressed the general outrage when he wrote:

    Here was the man of the Fourteen Points, among them the right to self-determination, denying the Egyptian people its right to self-determination . . . And doing all that before the delegation on behalf of the Egyptian people had arrived in Paris to defend its claim, and before President Wilson had heard one word from them! Is this not the ugliest of treacheries?!

    The sense of betrayal was even stronger among millions of Chinese who, unlike the Indians and the Koreans, were adequately represented at the conference. Wilson was sympathetic to Chinese claims on Japanese-occupied Shandong, but he could not persuade Lloyd George and Clemenceau to rescind their wartime promises to Japan. News of China’s failure in May 1919 brought enraged students out on the streets of Beijing, denouncing the US president as a liar. Demonstrations and strikes erupted across China in what would later be known as the May Fourth Movement, an explosion of intellectual and political energy that reverberated through the next decades.

    ‘The emergence of the Wilsonian moment had heralded the end of a great conflict, the European war,’ Manela writes, ‘but its dissipation gave rise to a greater one still, one “between East and West, between imperialism and self-determination”.’ Western powers could not forever ignore or suppress the nationalist claims and in 1922 China, which had refused to sign the Treaty of Versailles, received a new settlement, restoring Japanese-held areas in Shandong to its sovereignty. Egypt remained volatile, and in the same year the British were forced to grant it a degree of self-rule. In India they tried to retain the repressive policies introduced during the war; but the killing of four hundred demonstrators in Amritsar in April 1919 only accelerated the transformation of the Indian National Congress from a gentleman’s debating club into a mass political party.

    ‘The new era of self-determination’, as Manela writes, had come, but ‘it was one of conflict rather than co-operation.’ Wilson’s apparent complicity with old-style imperialists united many educated Asians in what Manela calls ‘cynical hostility to Western civilisation’. The early generation of Asian intellectuals and activists had looked to their Western conquerors with awe and admiration. Their nationalism tended to be frankly ‘derivative’, an admission that those who wanted to catch up with the West could do no better than learn from its industrialism and the obviously superior institutions of liberal democracy. But such bourgeois gradualism no longer seemed so attractive to many anti-colonial intellectuals after the Paris Peace Conference.

    Liberals such as Tagore who believed in synthesis, a dialogue between West and East, felt particularly humiliated. Gandhi had never expected much of Woodrow Wilson but Tagore had, and on a lecture tour of the United States in 1930 he unexpectedly turned on his American audience, who were probably expecting to be educated about Eastern spirituality. ‘Our appeal does not reach you,’ Tagore said, ‘because you respond only to the appeal of power. Japan appealed to you and you answered because she was able to prove she would make herself as obnoxious as you can.’ Only a deep lingering bitterness could have made the poet tell a New York audience including Franklin Roosevelt, Henry Morgenthau and Sinclair Lewis that ‘a great portion of the world suffers from your civilisation.’

    Travelling to Paris, Wilson may have believed that liberalism ‘must be more liberal than ever before, it must even be radical, if civilisation is to escape the typhoon’. But secular liberalism in Muslim countries under direct British control had been tainted well before the true scale of British duplicity in the Middle East was revealed at the end of the war. Even the moderate Islamic scholar, Egypt’s grand mufti Muhammad Abduh, said that ‘we Egyptians . . . believed once in English liberalism and English sympathy; but we believe no longer, for facts are stronger than words. Your liberalness we see plainly is only for yourselves, and your sympathy with us is that of the wolf for the lamb which he designs to eat.’

    In China, hostility to Japan and anger at the country’s own fractious warlords fused with anti-Western sentiment to create a sharper-edged nationalism. Western-style liberalism would continue to enjoy a vogue among educated, well-travelled Chinese. But the 20-year-old poet Qu Qiubai, a student of Buddhism who later became a crucial contact in Moscow for the fledgling Chinese Communist Party, found – and he was not alone – that ‘the sharp pain of imperialistic oppression’ liberated him from the illusions of ‘impractical democratic reforms’. Mao Zedong was left with an enduring suspicion of Western motives and policies, and a broader awareness of the political possibilities available to subjugated peoples. As Manela puts it,

    the Chinese protest against international injustice, Mao discovered, was part of a wider pattern of uprisings of marginalised groups in international society striving for the recognition of their rights to self-determination and equality. Only the transformation of the norms and practices of international relations would allow China to attain its rightful place among nations.

    Manela believes that ‘the rise of Communism in China and elsewhere in the early 1920s was part of that quest, as the failure of the liberal anti-colonialism of the Wilsonian moment to fulfil its promise sparked a search for alternative ideologies.’ After initial successes, Wilson’s influence was overtaken by Lenin’s; China may have been ‘lost’ to Communism not, as the Cold Warriors alleged, in 1949, but in 1919. State-regulated capitalism rather than central planning would bring China – and India – close to their rightful place among nations in the age of globalisation; but the change of economic models did not diminish the lustre of national sovereignty. Nationalist feeling, defined by these early anti-imperialist campaigns for equality, remains potent in both countries, continuing to fuel middle-class Chinese and Indian desires for greater dignity in a world where economic power is shifting back to Asia.

    Faced with an enormous task of compression, Manela can only outline how anti-colonial nationalism drew on a great suspicion of Western politicians with noble ideals as well as of those with guns. It would be too much to expect him also to examine Wilson’s legacy, the ‘liberal internationalism’ whose tattered flag was held up most recently by liberal hawks supporting the invasion of Iraq. It is hard, however, to read his book without wondering how those espousing compassionately liberal policies at home become susceptible to violent humanitarianism abroad – what Randolph Bourne incredulously called ‘war in the interests of democracy’. ‘This was almost the sum of their philosophy,’ Bourne wrote of his old friends. ‘The primitive idea to which they regressed became almost insensibly translated into a craving for action.’

    Wilson chose to cast American interests abroad in highly moral, even mystical terms, claiming that, as Bourne described it, the United States had been ‘ordained as a nation to lead all erring brothers towards the light of liberty and democracy’; and since the objectives of liberal democracies coincide, Germany could become peaceful by discarding its militarist regime and embracing democracy with American help. (The more corporate-friendly version of this peculiarly American idea is Thomas Friedman’s belief that countries where McDonald’s burgers are eaten never go to war with each other.)

    In Paris, Lloyd George and Clemenceau demonstrated that leaders of democracies could be just as brazenly imperialistic as military dictators. But then Wilson, who had presided over a serious erosion of civil liberties at home during the war, was no stranger to moral compromises in foreign policy: he had supported, for instance, China’s militarist president Yuan Shikai against the nationalists allied with Sun Yat-sen in 1913 in the hope of keeping America’s ‘Open Door’ to China.

    Such expediencies were later to define the Cold War, in which the United States, as Dean Acheson unironically proclaimed, was ‘willing to help people who believe the way we do, to continue to live the way they want to live’. Or, as the current national security adviser, trying to explain Bush’s recent farewell calls on pro-American dictators in the Middle East, put it, ‘these folks . . . are on board with the freedom agenda and they are pursuing it in their own fashion.’

    Wilson’s rhetorical achievement – which distinguished him sharply from traditional European practitioners of realpolitik – was to present America’s strategic and political interests as moral imperatives, and its foreign interventions as necessary acts of international responsibility. European leaders periodically stressed their civilising mission, but no one before Wilson endowed national exceptionalism with such a modern and unimpeachably noble aspiration as ‘democracy’.

    Intoxicated by the moral passions of Wilsonianism, American liberal intellectuals would work harder than their European counterparts to justify wars that political leaders promised would make the world safe for democracy. These sincere believers would also be more vulnerable, when faced with the collapse of their bold schemes, to the guilt-laden ‘fear that what we had meant, and what alone could justify it all, was not the meaning and the justification of those who will decide’ – Lippmann’s words, which handily summarise the long, tormented mea culpas produced by liberal hawks after the catastrophe in Iraq.

    What neither hard-headed politicians nor their intellectual dupes fully understood was how the rhetoric of liberalism and democracy had gone down in the colonised world. Certainly, Wilson, working deep in a world run by and for white men, could have little sense of the bitterness and disillusionment felt by his ‘darkie’ admirers. But the excuse of racial and intellectual seclusion could not be claimed by apparently liberal politicians and journalists who stridently echoed Wilson’s rhetoric after the collapse of Communism when the world seemed riper for remaking, more ready to absorb Western values while fulfilling Western interests, than at any time since 1919.

    ‘We are all internationalists now,’ Tony Blair declared to the Chicago Economic Club in April 1999, in the midst of bombing Serbia. ‘In the end,’ he said, ‘values and interests merge. If we can establish and spread the values of liberty, the rule of law, human rights and an open society then that is in our national interests too.’ Dazzled by the wealth and power of fin-de-siècle America (as though returning the compliment after decades of anglophilia among the American ruling class), Blair and other New Labourites turned out to be the most eager European consumers of Wilson’s potpourri of values and interests. Their eloquence proved useful to the most Wilsonian – but also the most inarticulate – of American presidents, and his cronies.

    The victories of the Cold War – and the giddy speculation that history had reached the ideological terminus of liberal democracy – revived illusions of omnipotence among an Anglo-American political and media elite that has always known very little about the modern world it claims to have made. Consequently, almost every event since the end of the Cold War – the rise of radical Islam, of India and China, the assertiveness of oil-rich Russia, Iran and Venezuela – has come as a shock, a rude reminder that the natives of Delhi, Cairo and Beijing have geopolitical ambitions of their own, not to mention a sense of history marked by resentment and suspicion of the metropolitan West. The liberal internationalists persist, trying to revive the Wilsonian moment in places where Anglo-American liberalism has been seen as an especially aggressive form of hypocrisy. Increasingly, however, they expose themselves as the new provincials, dangerously blundering about in a volatile world.

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              Alfredo M. Cepero: DONALD TRUMP SE QUEDA CORTO FRENTE A NICOLÁS MADURO        

    Tomado de http://www.lanuevanacion.com/

    Con ello, Trump se ha quedado corto en sus medidas y Maduro se ha envalentonado ante la duplicidad del único adversario que puede ponerle fin a su régimen sin necesidad de disparar una sola bala.

    Por Alfredo M. Cepero
    Director de www.lanuevanacion.com
    Sígame en: http://twitter.com/@AlfredoCepero

    Quienes carezcan de la habilidad de leer entre líneas o no hayan sido testigos de las contradicciones entre la retórica y la acción de la política exterior norteamericana de los últimos 60 años, podrían pensar que Donald Trump se prepara a defenestrar al dictador Nicolas Maduro. Pero no hay nada más lejos de la realidad. Trump habla como defensor y líder de la libertad en el mundo en sentido genérico pero actúa como defensor de los intereses específicos de su país. Con todos los retos que confrontan los Estados Unidos en este momento, la libertad de Venezuela anda muy por debajo en su agenda.

    Y aunque esta conducta nos moleste a quienes queremos la libertad del pueblo que regó con sangre los surcos de cinco repúblicas americanas, Trump está actuando como actúan los presidentes de todos los países. De la misma manera han actuado los presidentes de países hermanados por geografía, historia, tradición, cultura e idioma con Venezuela que forman parte de esa desarticulada e incoherente América Latina.

    Pero el derroche de patriotismo y coraje de un pueblo que se ha lanzado a las calles para recuperar la libertad que le ha sido robada no han podido ser ignorados ni siquiera por los más contumaces aislacionistas. El pasado 30 de julio la prensa internacional dio cuenta de la muerte de 125 venezolanos y de centenares de muertos y desaparecidos en los cuatro meses que ha durado esta avalancha de heroísmo.

    Estos farsantes tienen que decir algo para cubrir las apariencias y mitigar su complicidad con la barbarie desatada por Maduro y sus amos cubanos. Media docena de cancillerías latinoamericanas se han empezado a distanciar de la dictadura venezolana condenando la burla de la Asamblea Constituyente. Donald Trump, con la locuacidad compulsiva que lo llevó a la presidencia y le crea constantes e innecesarios problemas, no podía quedarse atrás. Mandó entonces a hablar a su gente.

    A mediados de julio, funcionarios estadounidenses revelaron que el gobierno del presidente Donald Trump se estaba alistando para imponer nuevas sanciones a Venezuela. Dichos funcionarios agregaron que las nuevas sanciones podrían ser impuestas en pocos días y que probablemente apuntarían al sector petrolero de Venezuela, incluso posiblemente a su compañía estatal de petróleo.

    Veamos el impacto de una medida tan drástica en el contexto de la actual situación venezolana. Venezuela atraviesa por una severa crisis económica, con una prolongada escasez de medicamentos y alimentos; así como un alarmante cuadro económico para este año de una inflación que podría llegar a 720% y una caída del PIB de 12%, según el FMI. Asfixiados por esta crisis, un 80% de venezolanos rechaza su gestión y el 72% su proyecto de constitución, según Datanálisis.

    Si a esta situación crítica de la economía de Venezuela añadimos el hecho de que el petróleo representa el 96 por ciento de sus ingresos en divisas, cualquier recorte en las ventas internacionales del producto podría resultar desastroso para una dictadura que se tambalea. Sobre todo si pierde a un cliente como los Estados Unidos, que le compra y le paga en moneda dura la cantidad de 800,000 barriles diarios de petróleo de una producción total de 1,9 millones de barriles. Sería el clavo final que podría cerrar en forma hermética el ataúd de un ya moribundo Nicolas Maduro.

    Pero todo indica que Trump no está dispuesto a clavar ese clavo porque traería consigo consecuencias negativas para su partido en las elecciones parciales del 2018 y para sus aspiraciones reeleccionistas en las generales del 2020. El precio del galón de gasolina en los Estados Unidos podría aumentar en un respetable porcentaje. Y ahí es donde ha empezado la marcha atrás y la adopción de medidas cosméticas que cubren las apariencias pero no son suficientes para acelerar el final de la dictadura.

    En tal sentido, el pasado 31 de julio, el Gobierno de Estados Unidos se limitó a imponer sanciones económicas directas contra Nicolás Maduro, no contra su régimen. Le congelaron sus activos personales bajo jurisdicción estadounidense. Un pellizco en la fortuna de un ladrón que tiene inversiones y cuentas bancarias en todo el mundo. Con ello, Trump se ha quedado corto en sus medidas y Maduro se ha envalentonado ante la duplicidad del único adversario que puede ponerle fin a su régimen sin necesidad de disparar una sola bala.

    Entonces aparecieron las contradicciones, siempre las contradicciones en una Administración Trump que parece incapaz de la coherencia y la disciplina. Por una parte, el Secretario de Estado, Rex Tillerson, hablaba de crear condiciones para que Maduro se convenciera de que “no tiene futuro y se marche por decisión propia” o que el Gobierno regrese a la vía constitucional.

    Por otra, mientras Tillerson hablaba de “convencer” a Maduro de abandonar el cargo, otro funcionario del Departamento de Estado enviaba un mensaje contradictorio. Michael Fitzpatrick, el encargado del Departamento de Estado para Suramérica, en entrevista con la agencia EFE el 01AGO17, afirmó que EEUU “respeta al gobierno oficial de Venezuela y del presidente Maduro en este momento” con el cual “queremos dialogar”.

    Si esta tragedia de sangre y lágrimas no fuera tan dolorosa estas declaraciones serían motivo de risa y hasta de burla. ¿Cómo es posible que funcionarios de la nación más poderosa y próspera de la Tierra se expresen con tanta ignorancia sobre un régimen manipulado y asesorado por una tiranía feroz de 58 años como la de Cuba? Me inclino a pensar que, más que ignorancia, estamos en presencia de un subterfugio diplomático cuyo objetivo es justificar la inercia.

    Sin embargo, hay un ingrediente en todo este entuerto que no controlan ni Trump ni Maduro: el pueblo heroico de Venezuela. Esta gente sabe que no puede regresar a casa porque la dictadura se graduaría como tiranía, al estilo de la cubana. Saben que es ahora o nunca y vaticino que seguirán desafiando la muerte para que viva la patria. Eso podría desencadenar un mar de sangre como no visto antes en la historia reciente de América. Los ciegos tendrían que ver y los paralíticos tendrían que andar.

    Esa cosa inútil que es la Organización de Estados Americanos y su diletante amanuense Luís Almagro cobrarían importancia transitoria como vehículo para solucionar la crisis. Una convocatoria por parte de Washington de una reunión de cancilleres podría ser la fórmula para crear una fuerza interamericana de intervención en Venezuela. Esa fórmula salvó del comunismo a la República Dominicana en abril de 1965.

    En aquel momento Lyndon Johnson decidió cortar por lo sano y frustrar los planes del ex Presidente Juan Bosch y del Coronel Francisco Caamaño Deñó, de crear un eje comunista con la tiranía castrista con el potencial de extenderse a otras islas del Archipiélago de Las Antillas. Johnson convocó a la OEA y los demás miembros votaron a favor de la ponencia de Washington de intervenir en la República Dominicana.

    La fuerza interamericana estuvo integrada en su mayoría por soldados norteamericanos pero Brasil, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panamá, Costa Rica y El Salvador enviaron tropas. Para acentuar aún más la condición multinacional de las fuerzas invasoras, el general brasileño Hugo Panasco Alvin fue designado jefe de las fuerzas terrestres de la OEA.

    Como antes en nuestra historia, América se encuentra una vez más en una encrucijada donde se decidirán la esclavitud o la libertad. El desenlace del drama venezolano nos impactará a todos los que vivimos en este continente, incluyendo a los Estados Unidos. Luego nuestra suerte está estrechamente ligada a la de esa tierra rebelde y bravía. En este momento todos tenemos que actuar como venezolanos para garantizar nuestra democracia y nuestra libertad. Ojalá Donald Trump entienda el mensaje y actúe en consecuencia.

              Anastasia O'Grady en diario Wall Street Journal : Raúl Castro manda en Venezuela, y EEUU debe sancionarlo a él        
    Tomado de https://www.martinoticias.com/a/

    WSJ: Castro manda en Venezuela, y EEUU debe sancionarlo a él

    El Wall Street Journal sugiere que cualquier estrategia encabezada por Estados Unidos para liberar a Venezuela debe comenzar admitiendo que Castro manda en Caracas, y que su control de esa nación petrolera es parte de una más amplia estrategia de expansión regional. Es a él a quien hay que sancionar.

    El jefe de la FANB venezolana, Vladimir Padrino (d), con oficiales militares cubanos

    Agosto8 de 2017

    Evocando el apoyo espontáneo de los venezolanos a la reciente sublevación de militares en Venezuela contra el régimen de Nicolás Maduro, la columnista del Wall Street Journal Mary Anastasia O'Grady recomienda al Secretario de Estado norteamericano, Rex Tillerson, tomar nota de que los venezolanos quieren deshacerse del yugo de la represión cubana, y necesitan para ello la ayuda de Washington.

    O’Grady asegura que cuando los militares anunciaron su levantamiento en Valencia, Carabobo, el régimen militar controlado por Cuba desplegó tanques en las calles y desató la cacería de los soldados en retirada. Afirmó que había sofocado la rebelión e instruyó a la televisión transmitir sólo mensajes de tranquilidad. Pero los venezolanos se emocionaron con el mensaje de los rebeldes y se informó de civiles reunidos en las calles para cantar el himno nacional en apoyo de la sublevación.

    La autora lamenta que Tillerson, “desafortunadamente, hasta ahora, parece estar tomando el mal consejo de sus ‘expertos’ del Departamento de Estado, los mismos burócratas que dirigieron la política de Barack Obama en América Latina”.

    (Mary Anastasia O'Grady)

    Ella cree que darle una palmadita en la mano a Maduro con sanciones personales, como hizo la administración Trump la semana pasada, “no cambiará el comportamiento de Castro, a quien solo le preocupan su petróleo venezolano y sus ganancias del narcotráfico. Para influir en Venezuela, Estados Unidos tiene que presionar a Cuba”, dice.

    Recuerda que quemar banderas cubanas es ahora casi un pasatiempo nacional en Venezuela, porque los venezolanos comprenden el nexo entre su sufrimiento y La Habana. La infiltración de Castro, que comenzó hace más de una década con agentes encubiertos como cooperantes médicos y maestros, se extendió luego al control de las oficinas de cédulas y pasaportes de Venezuela, creando expedientes sobre cada "enemigo" del Estado.

    Ahora el Ejército y la Guardia Nacional de Venezuela responden a generales cubanos, y las fuerzas armadas forman parte de una gigantesca operación de narcotráfico que trabaja con las FARC, el cartel más grande del hemisferio y antiguo agente de Cuba.

    O’Grady considera que cualquier estrategia internacional dirigida por Estados Unidos para liberar a Venezuela debe comenzar con el reconocimiento explícito de que Cuba es quien manda en Caracas, y de que el control de La Habana sobre la nación petrolera es parte de una estrategia regional más amplia.

    Cita en ese sentido una reciente entrevista a Elizabeth Burgos, la ex-esposa venezolana del marxista francés Regis Debray. En su juventud, Burgos sirvió al castrismo, y trabajó por sus ideales en Suramérica, pero luego rompió con él.

    Cuba, dijo la intelectual venezolana al periodista Hugo Prieto, no es "simplemente una dictadura". Para el régimen, es un "proyecto político histórico" que busca "el establecimiento de un régimen de tipo cubano en toda América Latina". Recordó que junto a Venezuela los cubanos han conquistado Nicaragua, Bolivia, Ecuador, y ahora van tras Colombia. "Las FARC, convertidas en un partido político y con todo el dinero del negocio de las drogas, pueden comprar en una elección todos los votos que quieran", advirtió Burgos.

    “El señor Tillerson está advertido”, termina diciendo Mary Anastasia O’Grady. “Castro no se detendrá hasta que alguien lo detenga. Para obtener resultados, cualquier sanción dirigida por Estados Unidos tiene que golpear los recursos en que La Habana se apoya para mantener la represión”.

    [The Wall Street Journal. Traducción de Rolando Cartaya]

    Estas son las veces que miembros de fuerzas venezolanas se han declarado en rebeldía contra Maduro

               Julio M. Shiling: Cuando la no violencia es insuficiente        

     â€œEl acto del domingo es totalmente legítimo”: General Antonio Rivero

    Tomado de https://patriademarti.com/

    Cuando la no violencia es insuficiente

    Por Julio M. Shiling
    8 de agosto de 2017

    Ho Chi Minh comentó en una ocasión que si Mahatma Gandhi hubiera tenido que combatir a los franceses, hubiera abandonado la lucha no violenta en una semana. El padre fundacional de la dictadura comunista vietnamita, en su crítica a la metodología de enfrentamiento político del pacifista hindú y forjador de la independencia india, estaba haciendo una apreciación cualitativa del enemigo que se está combatiendo. El despiadado Minh no fue el único crítico de la resistencia no violenta como método de lucha.

    Eric Arthur Blair, mejor conocido por su pseudónimo de George Orwell, consideraba que el movimiento no violento como estrategia para el cambio político, urgía de tener al oponente dentro del espacio de un marco sistémico desde donde operar que disponga de una serie de factores que incluyan una prensa libre, el derecho de poder congregarse en público para expresar el descontento y determinadas otras condiciones a priori para que dicha táctica de lucha pudiera tener éxito. En otras palabras, la resistencia no violenta, para el insigne cronista y ensayista británico, parte de la conceptualización metodológica en la política que lleva por nombre la desobediencia civil y ésta requiere la presencia de condiciones intrínsecas y preexistentes en el modelo sociopolítico donde se pretende resolver o mitigar el problema en cuestión. Cuando juzgamos la validez de la tesis que condiciona y limita la viabilidad de aplicar la lucha no violenta y lograr los cambios deseados al sistema democrático exclusivamente, vemos que la misma goza, convincentemente, del respaldo de la evidencia histórica.

    Cuando el filósofo y escritor estadounidense del transcendentalismo, Henry David Thoreau, publicó en 1849 su ensayo insigne Resistencia al gobierno civil (luego renombrado Desobediencia civil) racionalizando sus acciones de desobediencia civil contra el Estado norteamericano por su oposición a la esclavitud y a la Guerra de México-EE UU, no creo que haya podido medir el alcance que tendría su obra, fundamentando una especie de ideología y ética que inspiraría a generaciones de activistas y teóricos políticos. Algunos de los otros activistas que han abrazado este modo de accionar por la vía de la confrontación pacifica están Martin Luther King, Jr., Mairead Maguire, Desmond Tutu y Jody Williams.

    De los mencionados, todos menos Tutu, el obispo anglicano sudafricano, realizaron la lucha no violenta para promover a sus causas respectivas dentro de las estructuras prototípicas de una democracia (King: los derechos civiles en EE UU; Maguire: la violencia en Irlanda del Norte; Williams: una campaña contra minas personales). En esos casos, la existencia sistémica de la libertad de expresión e información, tanto personal como institucional, probaron ser eficaz para la concienciación de la ciudadanía y de la clase política, dado el terreno acogedor que proporciona una democracia para admitir autocorrecciones y perfeccionamientos y acomodar el lujo de los procesos evolutivos, confinado a un marco ambiental pacífico y ordenado.

    Tutu ejerció su activismo no violento dentro de una dictadura, pero ésta fue una de corte netamente autoritario. Es importante aclarar este punto técnico y muy relevante. Sin negar la crueldad y la injusticia inherente del modelo racista del apartheid sudafricano, existe una diferencia cualitativa impresionante entre dictaduras de corte autoritario y esas con regímenes totalitarios. Las del primer grupo, son estructuras despóticas más débiles y a la vez, más fáciles de conspirar al limitar éstas el control dictatorial a la esfera política sólo. Regímenes autoritarios son más sensibles también a la crítica y a la presión política desde afuera, entre muchas razones, por la incapacidad o el desinterés de estas versiones del despotismo de establecer alianzas sólidas con otros gobiernos y movimientos internacionales, de conllevar campañas de relaciones públicas eficaces en el exterior y de operar en la diplomacia, multilateralmente.

    El desmantelamiento de la dictadura racista de África del Sur, reflejó el éxito de la campaña no violenta de personas como Tutu, pero más impacto tuvieron las presiones que ejercieron grupos y activistas políticos de las democracias del mundo libre que se interesaron por la causa anti apartheid. El embargo comercial que lograron establecer, la estampida de empresas multinacionales con el curso de desinvertir en el país que adoptaron, el ostracismo aplicado a los que defendían el estatus quo, fue lo que marcó la diferencia y eso vino desde afuera donde el activismo político no violento impactó a la clase política en las democracias del mundo.

    La caída del comunismo soviético y sus casos subsecuentes de transiciones exitosas, de transiciones frustradas, de reversiones y de algunas otras rescatadas o en evolución, vio posteriormente el ascenso de las postulaciones de la lucha no violenta del politólogo estadounidense, Gene Sharp. Gran parte de la disidencia y la oposición de países donde hay regímenes no democráticos hoy, han acogido con una reverencia épica la teoría del activismo de resistencia pacífica del autor de La política de la acción no violenta (1973) y De dictadura a democracia (1994). La teoría de Sharp reposa sobre la premisa de que la esencia del poder radica fundamentalmente en la obediencia de los sujetos al liderazgo político. Si se logra que los sujetos no obedezcan al poder político, sostiene el teórico norteamericano, los dirigentes no tendrían poder y consecuentemente, la dictadura se desploma o marchita.

    Los que miran a la caída del socialismo real de la URSS y del ex bloque socialista de Europa y le acreditan ese desmoronamiento a la lucha no violenta que se realizó, estarían cometiendo un error serio de análisis. Nunca los procesos históricos se deben a un factor singular como el causante, eso es cierto. No es menos cierto, sin embargo, que no todas las variables en juego protagonizan un papel de igual importancia.

    El desvanecimiento mortal del comunismo soviético (no del comunismo) tuvo como agente de cambio primordial la modificación que el gobierno de Ronald Reagan le dio a la política estadounidense para liderar con el marxismo-leninismo bajo el eje de Moscú. Al sustituir la estrategia de contención por una de reversión, cambió la dinámica de la Guerra Fría. Con enorme cuantías de dinero, municiones, tecnología, logística y sobre todo, de dirección moral, por numerosas operaciones a través del globo, oxigenó el bando de los buenos y los llevó a una victoria (más allá de que mucho se perdió luego en la paz).

    Las acciones pacíficas de los grupos pequeños de manifestantes que iniciaron las protestas y más tarde se convirtieron en grandes masas, no fue el factor causal del derrumbe del comunismo soviético. Más bien fue un síntoma de esta otra variable seminal que constituyó la política de Estado de las fuerzas anticomunistas que incluían los gobiernos de: Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, Juan Pablo II, Helmut Kohl y otros actores con acciones de enfrentamiento bélico directo al comunismo en Granada, Nicaragua, Angola, Afganistán, El Salvador; y un activismo conspirativo no bélico en Polonia y otras partes del bloque socialista. China comunista y lo que ocurrió cinco meses antes del derrumbe del Muro de Berlín en la Plaza de Tiananmén en 1989, queda como prueba fehaciente que la lucha no violenta desprovista de otras variables causales que incluyen la fuerza bélica, la amenaza de ella (real o percibida) u otro agravio letal a su régimen dictatorial, sólo ofrece quimeras que en la práctica no produce los cambios políticos deseados por los demócratas.

    Los humanos operan todos dentro de un esquema de valores. Regímenes dictatoriales de dominación total (totalitarios) no viven bajo el mismo código moral que los demócratas. Los comunistas, los fascistas y los islamistas radicales tienen otro entendimiento del universo y no están confinados, ni remotamente, con los rigores éticos que sostienen los adherentes a los principios democráticos. El pretender sensibilizar a la gama de facinerosos que dirigen los regímenes totalitarios y sus satélites, es como aspirar a que un psicópata que asesina grotescamente, se logre concienciar e enternecer al contemplar el horror de sus acciones contemplando a las víctimas y los reclamos de éstas por vía de sus defensores. La propia patología del malévolo hace que esa conducta monstruosa le produzca placer y sólo sirve para satisfacer su necesidad cruel. Los carceleros de Auschwitz y Boniato y los dirigentes de los sistemas que hicieron todo lo que ahí ocurrió posible, no han sido (o no son) personas muy sensibles.

    La lucha cívica no violenta, podrá ser un elemento que contribuya a la liberación de una nación subyugada por el despotismo. Al enfrentar regímenes totalitarios o sus gobiernos satélites, dicha estrategia está completamente contingente de una política liberadora adicional más potente para que su aporte sea medible al final. De lo contrario, el remedio de la confrontación pacífica quedará relegado a actos de heroicidad inspiradores y épicos, pero incapaz por si solos, de producir cambios políticos significativos.

              LÉO FERRÉ (1916 - 1993)         
    LÉO FERRÉ (1916 - 1993)
    Artículo en Wikipedia
    Sitio oficial


    Avec le temps
    C'est extra
    Cette blessure
    Comme à Ostende
    Des mots
    Franco la muerte
    Frères humains – La ballade des pendus
    Graine d’ananar
    Ils ont voté
    La chemise rouge
    La Marsellaise
    La mémoire et la mer
    La mort
    La solitude
    La tristesse
    La vie d’artiste
    Le Jazz Band
    Le tango Nicaragua
    Les amants tristes
    Les anarchistes
    Les étrangers
    Les spécialistes
    Les poètes de sept ans
    Mr William
    Ne chantez pas la mort
    Ni Dieu ni maître
    Thank you Satan
    Ton style
    Words, words, words


              Looking for Alternatives with "Left" left out         
    1970 LSSP May Day Courtesy CDN

    When independence was granted to Ceylon, the alternative to the United National Party (UNP) at the 1947 parliamentary election was the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP). In that first parliamentary election the Ceylon National Congress which merged with the Sinhala Maha Sabhava (SMS) to form the UNP led by D.S. Senanayake, could not have a clear majority. In a parliament of 101 MPs with 95 elected, UNP managed only 42 seats. They coalesced with the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) that had 07 seats, to have a majority government.

    The leading opposition was the LSSP. Contesting as two opposing Trotskyite factions, the LSSP and the Bolshevik Leninist Party of India (BLPI) won 10 and 05 seats respectively. They re-united after elections as the LSSP with Dr. N.M. Perera becoming the first Opposition Leader of independent Ceylon. If not for another division in the LSSP and Philip Gunawardne forming his own LSSP-V (Viplavakari meaning revolutionary) and contesting with the CP, the LSSP would have been yet again the main opposition at the 1952 elections as well. The LSSP was the only Trotskyite mass party in the world, with a very strong urban trade union base, influential and much respected Buddhist monks, middle class intellectuals and the few "Rationalists" also sympathising with their alternate political thinking.

    Ideologically, it was the LSSP dominated "Left" that provided opposition to the UNP while the SLFP played a very Sinhala nationalist role sticking to a more State centred, undefined "middle path". Thus in very simple political terms, the "Left", more the LSSP, was the known and seen "anti UNP" force that stood for a "socialist" alternative. Though without the "socialist" alternative, even during the Rajapaksa rule the LSSP and the CP used their historical "anti UNP" position to co-habit with Rajapaksa. After the 18 Amendment to the Constitution, the dissenting factions within the LSSP and the CP refused to leave the Rajapaksa government on the single argument, "that would only strengthen the UNP".

    Over a week ago, the dissenting group in the LSSP calling themselves the "majority group", celebrated 81 years of "Samasamaja" politics. Ironically this faction is led by the UNP national list MP Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne. Presently an Advisor to the UNP leader and PM Wickramasinghe.  So is it with the dissenters from the CP. A leading CP dissenter Raja Uswetakeiyawa was in the National list of the UNP at the last August 2015 parliamentary elections.

    How would one explain this total collapse and political demise of the anti UNP "Left" in Sri Lanka? Most would attribute this to "coalition" politics of the old "Left". "Tailing the SLFP" from early 1960's to have it in simple language. But then, there was a serious "anti coalition" faction within the LSSP in mid 1970's that eventually became the "Nava Samasmaja Party"(NSSP) when the "Left" got wiped out completely at the 1977 parliamentary election. In less than a decade, that "anti-coalition" left Samasamajism as the NSSP also disintegrated, unable to meet the intellectual challenge of providing an alternative to the UNP and the SLFP. The JVP, about a decade older to the NSSP was never able to project itself as a political alternative to UNP-SLFP politics that's now in a "unity" government.

    Coalition politics apart, this demise of the "Left" is not just a local "Sri Lankan crash". Internationally, the "Marxists" in all their shades and diversity has failed to grasp the growth, slump, recovery, stability, meltdown and instability" of global capitalism. They have thus not been able to provide a viable alternative when global capitalism slumped in 1929, in 1976 and again in 2008. Not been able to provide an alternative to the world even with the two giant Communist Party led countries, Soviet Russia and China with other East European countries. They together governed over 30% of the world population of around 06 billion by 1988. Though revolutions dislodged despotic rulers from Cuba to Vietnam to Nicaragua, none survived to establish an alternative to neo liberalism. From Soviet Russia to China including the Eastern bloc and Vietnam, the whole "Socialist" world caved in, leaving one large neo liberal global economy controlling the lives of the world Citizenry. The odd one out is North Korea, under a militarily organised despotic regime.  

    The issue therefore is the failure of the "Left" in defining "socio economic development" within neo liberalism. The "free" market in Sri Lanka was ushered in at a time, the whole society was tired and exhausted within a heavily regulated State controlled economy. An economy that substituted imports with local production for "self sufficiency". The regulated "Development" was aimed at servicing basic needs in controlled "quantities".  

    From 1978 these State controls were removed to allow for free trade. This economy was a polar opposite to the previous "import substituted" regulated economy. This worked on the premise, foreign direct investment (FDI) in export oriented production will generate economic growth with a "trickle down" effect. The market was given its own freedom for investment. Flooded with "choices" for people to choose from, they felt they had unlimited "freedom" in this free market economy. The new found consumer "freedom" was what the "Left" could not explain in terms of "development and democracy".

    The "Left" anyway was very much trained in reading society and life in economic terms. "Cultural life" was not important in their political explanations. They therefore did not notice  neo liberalism wiping out intellectual cultural life in moulding a narrow, linear "consumer". People were made to slog through whole day to earn enough to buy their basket of daily goodies. Yet the fact that they decided their basket, gave "democracy and freedom" a new meaning within a consumer society. Democracy and freedom came to be substituted by "consumer choice", a way of life the "left" could not deconstruct to reconstruct a new alternative.

    In such social context, the Western intelligentsia, all institutes funded by Western powers including the UN agencies were trained and groomed to doctor effects of the free market economy. A new liberal intelligentsia thereafter justified neo liberalism as the model for economic growth and equated economic growth to "socio economic development". Economic growth came to be assessed in terms of GDP, per capita income, millennium development goals (MDG) and the like.

    Indices and data calculated for assessing economic performance, often contradict the very "growth" claimed by liberal economists and politicians. When Census and Statistics Department says the required average monthly income of a family of four to meet basic needs (excluding a cultural life) is Rs.40,000 plus, the poverty line is drawn at Rs.4,000 per month per person. While the per capita income is calculated at 4,000 dollars (Rs.50,000 per month), the national minimum wage remains at a low of Rs.13,500 for the private sector. The argument goes it is the "take home pay" that should be counted. The "take home pay" for female workers in export manufacture is not more than Rs.20,000 with all the overtime they are compelled to do and their other incentives all added.

    Neo liberalism is only an urban market phenomenon and has no relevance to "national development". Neo liberal economies are inherently corrupt too irrespective of what the electoral system is. In India it is "FPP" while ours is a PR system. Over 35 years after their economy was liberalised, the Indian Lok Sabha does not represent the poor any more. 430 out of its 534 MPs are "Crorepatis". As a rule, all governments have garbage loads of mega deals on their backs. Corruption itself is urban based leading to declared and undeclared wealth accumulation in mega cities. PM Narendra Modi's development thus promised 50 "smart cities". PM Wickramasinghe promises a Western Province based "Megapolis".  Inaugurating this Megapolis programme he confirmed this mega urban development would lift the rest of the country in "development".

    The actual crisis in this neo liberal economy is that State agencies and social structures don't function the way they should, as the State is only left to facilitate investments and markets. Sans intellectual and cultural life, it turns societies into one without social values and morals. In a single line, the neo liberal market denies democracy in its functional form in a society that loses the "collective" mind set where intellectual cultural life is replaced with "entertainment" in competitive urban consumerism.

    As Noam Chomsky says, "This, to go back to our original discussion, is a reflection, substantially, of the Neo Liberal policies of the past generation. It has harmed much of the population, offered nothing to them, given power and prestige to extreme wealth and professional elites who are protected." (DM interview – December 14)

    This certainly needs an alternative that could attract the "marginalised and cast aside" majority. The heavily fragmented "Left" and also the JVP have no intellectual resources even to ignite such discourse. They are also products of this 38 year old neo liberal market that leaves them aside as grumbling "Left liberals" living within this status quo.

    As Chomsky asked the DM, "Well, why did an overwhelming majority of young people support Bernie Sanders?" Sanders is a "new phenomenon" way outside traditional "left" politics and attracted young people. "They don’t have wealth, military power, corporate backing, media backing, nor support from intellectuals; but sure, they are challenging the status quo." Finding an alternate programme therefore falls on the shoulders of the new generation who would want to challenge the status quo for a more democratic and decent life.

    Kusal Perera
    2016 December 19

              HUMAN RIGHTS IN 2010: THE CIRI REPORT        
    In conjunction with Human Rights Day, 2011, the CIRI Human Rights Data Project releases its ratings of government respect for 16 internationally-recognized human rights in almost every country in the world for the year 2010. The CIRI project's data stretch back, annually, to 1981 and can be freely accessed at www.humanrightsdata.org

    The CIRI data are used by governments, scholars, international organizations, businesses, think tanks, and students the world over for a wide variety of purposes. The project is Co-Directed by Dr. David L. Cingranelli (Binghamton University) and Dr. David L. Richards (University of Connecticut) and assisted by Senior CIRI Associate K. Chad Clay (University of Georgia). Any inquiries may be addressed to info@humanrightsdata.org

    Below, we present four types of stories from this year's released data:

    THE BEST AND WORST of 2010

    All 14 of CIRI's indicators of particular human rights can be summed into an overall human rights score for each country in the world. The top (best) score a country can receive is 30, while the worst score would be 0. The world average was 18 and the USA scored 26 (tied for 5th place). Below are the best and worst of 2010.

    Top 13 Countries:

    Denmark [30]
    Iceland [30]
    Austria [29]
    New Zealand [29]
    Norway [29]
    Australia [28]
    Belgium [28]
    Finland [28]
    Liechtenstein [28]
    Luxembourg [28]
    Netherlands [28]
    San Marino [28]
    Sweden [28]

    Bottom 10 Countries:

    Burma [2]
    Eritrea [2]
    Iran [2]
    China [3]

    Korea, Democratic People's Republic of [3]
    Yemen [3]
    Zimbabwe [3]
    Saudi Arabia [4]
    Congo, Democratic Republic of [5]
    Nigeria [5]


    On May 20, 2011, the United Nations elected 15 new members of the UN Human Rights Council. Here are their total CIRI human rights scores for 2010, out of a possible 30 points. Six out of the fifteen new members had scores below the world average of 18 for the year 2010. Below are the scores for each new member:

    Austria         [29]
    Benin          [16]
    Botswana     [22]
    Burkina Faso    [20]
    Republic of Congo  [18]  
    Chile             [26]
    Costa Rica     [26]
    Czech Republic   [24]
    India               [10]
    Indonesia        [13]
    Italy               [24]
    Kuwait          [11]
    Peru              [18]
    Philippines     [15]
    Romania        [17]


    The CIRI Index of Physical Integrity Rights measure's a government's overall level of respect for four rights: torture, extrajudicial killing, political imprisonment, disappearance. The index ranges from 0 (no respect for any of these four rights) to 8 (full respect for all four of these rights). In 2008-2009, the world saw an overall average increase in these rights of .047. However, a reversal of this improvement was seen from 2009-2010, with it's overall average decline in respect of -.031. In particular 2009-2010 saw the following dramatic changes:

    Three Countries Lost 3 Points (Violations Increased)


    Seven Countries Gained 2 Points (Violations Decreased)


    The fact that the CIRI data stretch back in time to 1981 allows for longitudinal comparison. For example, the graph below shows how regional averages of respect for physical integrity rights have changed over the years:


    An important part of this overall decline in respect for physical integrity rights comes from a continuing degradation, globally, of respect for the right not to be tortured. For example, 2009-2010 saw 17 countries engage in more torture, while only 8 engaged in less torture. Below is the list of these countries. CIRI's indicator of government respect for torture is as follows: (0) Frequent/systematic torture, (1) Moderate/occasional torture (2) No reported/confirmed episodes of

    Increased Torture, 2009-2010

    Congo, Republic of
    Korea, Republic of
    Kyrgyz Republic
    Marshall Islands
    Sierra Leone

    Decreased Torture, 2009-2010

    Czech Republic       
    Micronesia, Federated States of       

    This trend in the greater use of torture is not a post-9/11 phenomenon, however. The chart below shows the increased use of torture beginning in the early 1980s. The extent of the drop in respect for this right differed by region and is seen to be particularly acute in Africa.

              Nicaragua Slut Takes Two White Dicks Into Her Wet Holes        
    Watch Nicaragua Slut Takes Two White Dicks Into Her Wet Holes on rnoPo.com - free hardcore porn videos and amateur sex tapes.
              The Global Impact of El Niño: The Americas        
    Global weather conditions associated with El Niño are posing a serious threat to millions of vulnerable people, particularly in rural communities. This is part two in a three-part blog series looking at the effects of  El Niño-influenced weather disruptions in various parts of the world – and how your support of LWR is helping. Read part […]

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              Comment on Why is the Nicaraguan Air Force providing taxi service for the cast of Survivor? by Tom Hickey MD        
    Around 1991 the Sandinista party lost the elections in Nicaragua, but retained control of the Armed Forces. A Sandinista-inspired strike against the national airline included some minor sabotage of aircraft, effectively putting the state airline out of business. The Sandinista Air Force took over the commercial air travel business. In 1992 I was on the inaugral commercial flight, as part of a medical mission to Puerto Cabezas on the Mosquito Coast. The flight from Managua was on an Antonov twin turboprop military transport, with all the American doctors and nurses on the long plastic bench along the right side of the aircraft, faced by a detachment of suspicious Sandinista soldiers, not surprisingly on the left bench. There were round holes on the bench where presumably seat belts used to be. Cargo including steel desks, bicycles and boxes were in a loose pile in the space between the two benches. A skinny woman in a microskirt clambered back and forth over the pile of cargo handing out unidentifiable snacks we were afraid to eat. The pilot shared the cockpit with his grade school age daughters. Instrument markings were in Russian, with tapes underneath in English, for the Spanish-speaking crew. We were glad to get off the plane.
              C&A Daddy Mac Gorda 20ct Box        

    Daddy Mac is a celebration of Steven Bailey’s father, Mac Bailey. It is produced at the La Zona factory in Estelí, Nicaragua and is presented in boxes of 20. Each box displays an illustration of Mac Bailey tending his tobacco fields. The Daddy Mac’s rich Brazilian wrapper and Ecuadorian binder highlight the exquisite Nicaraguan filler tobaccos of this medium-to-full bodied blend. These beautifully crafted cigars have notes of sweetness and spice that dance on the palate. With a superior balance of flavor, Daddy Mac is an instant classic, and a consummate choice for any time of day.


              C&A Daddy Mac Corona Gorda 20ct Box        

    Daddy Mac is a celebration of Steven Bailey’s father, Mac Bailey. It is produced at the La Zona factory in Estelí, Nicaragua and is presented in boxes of 20. Each box displays an illustration of Mac Bailey tending his tobacco fields. The Daddy Mac’s rich Brazilian wrapper and Ecuadorian binder highlight the exquisite Nicaraguan filler tobaccos of this medium-to-full bodied blend. These beautifully crafted cigars have notes of sweetness and spice that dance on the palate. With a superior balance of flavor, Daddy Mac is an instant classic, and a consummate choice for any time of day.


              C&A Daddy Mac Robusto 20ct Box        

    Daddy Mac is a celebration of Steven Bailey’s father, Mac Bailey. It is produced at the La Zona factory in Estelí, Nicaragua and is presented in boxes of 20. Each box displays an illustration of Mac Bailey tending his tobacco fields. The Daddy Mac’s rich Brazilian wrapper and Ecuadorian binder highlight the exquisite Nicaraguan filler tobaccos of this medium-to-full bodied blend. These beautifully crafted cigars have notes of sweetness and spice that dance on the palate. With a superior balance of flavor, Daddy Mac is an instant classic, and a consummate choice for any time of day.


              C&A Daddy Mac Toro 20ct Box        

    Daddy Mac is a celebration of Steven Bailey’s father, Mac Bailey. It is produced at the La Zona factory in Estelí, Nicaragua and is presented in boxes of 20. Each box displays an illustration of Mac Bailey tending his tobacco fields. The Daddy Mac’s rich Brazilian wrapper and Ecuadorian binder highlight the exquisite Nicaraguan filler tobaccos of this medium-to-full bodied blend. These beautifully crafted cigars have notes of sweetness and spice that dance on the palate. With a superior balance of flavor, Daddy Mac is an instant classic, and a consummate choice for any time of day.


              C&A Venganza Silencer 5.5x46 Box        

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              C&A Venganza Judge 5x52 20ct Box        

    Venganza delivers an unmatched experience. This rich and flavorful powerhouse has a silky Ecuadorian wrapper that is highlighted by its Nicaraguan filler tobaccos. Venganza starts with a blast of bold flavor. This spice forward blend has a lingering sweetness and a long smooth finish that highlights its bold complexity. It is the pinnacle of balanced perfection. Venganza is rolled at the La Zona factory in Estelí, Nicaragua. Also presented in Boxes of 20, Venganza boxes feature an illustration of the 1876 patent form for The Bailey Machine Gun.


              C&A Venganza Persuader 6x50 Box        

    Venganza delivers an unmatched experience. This rich and flavorful powerhouse has a silky Ecuadorian wrapper that is highlighted by its Nicaraguan filler tobaccos. Venganza starts with a blast of bold flavor. This spice forward blend has a lingering sweetness and a long smooth finish that highlights its bold complexity. It is the pinnacle of balanced perfection. Venganza is rolled at the La Zona factory in Estelí, Nicaragua. Also presented in Boxes of 20, Venganza boxes feature an illustration of the 1876 patent form for The Bailey Machine Gun.


              C&A Venganza BMG 6x60 20ct Box        

    Venganza delivers an unmatched experience. This rich and flavorful powerhouse has a silky Ecuadorian wrapper that is highlighted by its Nicaraguan filler tobaccos. Venganza starts with a blast of bold flavor. This spice forward blend has a lingering sweetness and a long smooth finish that highlights its bold complexity. It is the pinnacle of balanced perfection. Venganza is rolled at the La Zona factory in Estelí, Nicaragua. Also presented in Boxes of 20, Venganza boxes feature an illustration of the 1876 patent form for The Bailey Machine Gun.


              C&A Meridian Toro 20ct Box        

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              C&A Meridian Gordo 20ct Box        

    Produced in Estelí, Nicaragua, Meridian is a cigar that will stop you in your tracks. Produced in 4 sizes and presented in boxes of 20, this beautiful Rosado has an oily Ecuadorian wrapper that surrounds Nicaraguan and Dominican filler tobaccos. The blend has rich notes of spice and wood with a lingering sweetness that creates a creamy refined balance. Meridian is a solid medium-bodied cigar that delivers an experience you will want to revisit again and again. We invite you to navigate your way to the new Meridian, and never stop exploring.


              C&A Meridian Corona Gorda 20ct Box        

    Produced in Estelí, Nicaragua, Meridian is a cigar that will stop you in your tracks. Produced in 4 sizes and presented in boxes of 20, this beautiful Rosado has an oily Ecuadorian wrapper that surrounds Nicaraguan and Dominican filler tobaccos. The blend has rich notes of spice and wood with a lingering sweetness that creates a creamy refined balance. Meridian is a solid medium-bodied cigar that delivers an experience you will want to revisit again and again. We invite you to navigate your way to the new Meridian, and never stop exploring.


              C&A Meridian Robusto 20ct Box        

    Produced in Estelí, Nicaragua, Meridian is a cigar that will stop you in your tracks. Produced in 4 sizes and presented in boxes of 20, this beautiful Rosado has an oily Ecuadorian wrapper that surrounds Nicaraguan and Dominican filler tobaccos. The blend has rich notes of spice and wood with a lingering sweetness that creates a creamy refined balance. Meridian is a solid medium-bodied cigar that delivers an experience you will want to revisit again and again. We invite you to navigate your way to the new Meridian, and never stop exploring.


              Padron 1964 Torpedo Natural 20ct        

    Padron 1964 Anniversary Torpedo Natural 20ct box. The Padron 1964 Anniversary Series cigars are some of the most limited and rare cigars in the world. Made exclusively from top Nicaraguan tobacco, the Anniversary series uses only the top tobacco from each years crops, making it a must try for any cigar aficionado. With a variety of distinctively complex flavors, ranging from medium to full bodied in strength, there is a 1964 Anniversary Series cigar for every type of cigar lover!


              H Upmann Vintage Cameroon Corona        

    Building on the heritage of H Upmann, the Legacy brings new excitement to the contemporary aficionado with this line of modern, fuller-bodied smokes. Each cigar is meticulously hand-crafted with vintage 2008 tobaccos grown from heirloom seeds treasured for generations. A dark, mountain grown Ecuadorian Sumatra wrapper surrounds a savory binder from the cloud-cooled rainforests of Nicaragua and an intense mix of prized Nicaraguan and Dominican filler tobaccos. This exquisite blend results in a vibrant, fuller-bodied smoke complemented by a myriad of subtle and complex flavors.


              Padron 5000 Natural 26ct        

    Padron cigars are known worldwide as some of the most sought-after, top shelf cigars. Made exclusively from the best Nicaraguan tobacco, each Padron cigar packs a delightful punch of aromas and distinct tastes. This original Padron cigar line ranges from medium to full bodied cigars with both Maduro and Natural wrappers, so you can be sure there is a cigar just for you! For years, cigar lovers have raved about the quality of Padron cigars. Once you try a Padron, you just may never go back to anything else.


              RP Royale Toro 20ct Box        

    The Rocky Patel Royale is a medium to full bodied cigars with hints of spice, smooth espresso and an earthy undertone. These beautifully crafted cigars have Connecticut shade and broadleaf binders, Nicaraguan fillers from Condega and Esteli and a Sumatran wrapper from Ecuador. With all these fantastic tobaccos combined, it is no surprise why these cigars were named the Top #5 Cigar for 2014 from Cigar Aficionado with a 94 rating.


              30 years of suffering for the Nicaraguan people        
               Aleida Guevara provides inspiration at 10th Latin America Conference        
    The daughter of Che may share his iconic name but she is a Cuban legend in her own right. She spoke about Latin American integration, Cuban internationalism the need for solidarity at four sessions during Latin America 2014 on Saturday 29 November, and her presence helped make it not only the most well-attended in the conference’s ten year history, but also one of the most inspirational.

    Throughout the day more than 500 delegates had the opportunity to hear from 50 speakers taking part in 3 plenaries, 23 workshops, 4 film screenings, 3 book signings and a post conference fiesta, and speak to activists at one of the 15 solidarity campaign and information stalls represented.

    Dr Aleida Guevara was well qualified to speak at a packed session on Cuban internationalism. She graduated as a doctor whilst on a medical mission in Nicaragua, served in Ecuador and Angola and recently volunteered to go to Africa as part of the Ebola mission.

    “We Latin Americans could also be called Afro-Latin Americans because our history forms such an important part of our cultural and ethnic roots. That is why it is such an important duty to help the people of Africa”.

    “When you accept this kind of mission you know where you are going but you don’t know if you are coming back” she said of the brave doctors who volunteer for medical missions abroad. And that doesn’t just apply to those volunteering to treat Ebola in West Africa she said. Citing an example of Cuban health workers who were trapped in a Venezuelan hospital as right-wing anti-government demonstrators threatened to burn it down, she told how a doctor, crying to her family over the phone, in fear of her life, was strengthened by her 15-year daughter who said, “mum, against those people not a single tear”.

    “The culture of our developing youth understand international solidarity and giving to other people, and I am proud of that” she said. “Cuba has a social conscience and we do not give our excess of what we have, we share what we have with all those in need,” she said to applause.

    The pride in her voice was evident when she speaks of her father who recognised the importance of Africa for US imperialism as a resource to exploit. That is why everyone must help impede that exploitation both in Africa and Latin America and achieve the continent’s complete liberation, she said. Warming to that theme she talked of Cuba no longer being just an isolated example in the world and consequently there is a new era of Latin American integration underway.

    She reminded us that her father knew “people who go forward demonstrate with example” and through leadership and inspiration you can push others to go forward as well. “But if we tell everyone else what to do, but we don’t demonstrate these things ourselves why follow us?” she asked. “That’s why we try to convince people of the need to change by our actions and that’s why so many doctors are in so many countries,” Aleida said. “A number of countries have now been re-born in our great continent”. They are also developing real unity by example: “From Rio Bravo to Patagonia, we are one people, one identity.”

    Since the revolution 325,000 Cuban health workers have volunteered in 158 countries. Today there are 50,731 working in 66 countries including 14,00 in Brazil, 11,000 in Venezuela and 4,048 in Africa. But as Aleida says, the numbers are not important “it’s the results they achieve that matter – bringing down infant mortality – what could be better?

    Writer Victoria Britain agreed and praised the 15,000 Cubans who have volunteered for the Ebola mission. She described how Cubans always live with the people, often in incredibly difficult and dangerous conditions. They are heroic she said because they do not just go their ‘ex-colonies’ like countries of the West, but to those that are most in need. Already training Ebola medical teams in Bolivia, Mexico and Nicaragua, Cuba recently hosted a conference on Ebola at which doctors from the US participated. How sad and ironic that at the same time they were again voting against Cuba at the UN and still encouraging all those Cuban doctors serving abroad on missions to defect to the US.

    Journalist Seamus Milne not only thanked Cuba for being the first to respond to Ebola “but also the first in Haiti and Pakistan and anywhere in the world when there is a need.” “Cuba has saved hundreds of thousands of lives….but the story of their remarkable internationalism has barely registered in the western media.” However, this might be changing with the five recent editorials in the New York Times, in as many weeks, he said. These editorial had called for an end to the blockade which “may herald a real breakthrough if it comes to pass.” Describing the Cuban Revolution as “truly exceptional not only in Latin America but the entire world” he echoed a theme supported by nearly all the day’s speakers.

    Praise also came in the ‘Voices from Latin America’ plenary session from Nicaraguan Vice Minister for International Co-Operation Valdack Jaentschke, who said through all the 35 years of the Sandinista revolution it would not have been possible without the beacon of the Cuban Revolution, and the ethical and moral strength of Cuba and its solidarity. During the 16 years of neo-liberal darkness from 1990 to 2006 he explained, they had no electricity whereas “today we are full of light fuelled by the continents progressive movements”.

    Rocio Maniero, the new Venezuelan Ambassador, had been in the UK just eight days and she was “so impressed with this show of interest and solidarity, as well as such an opportunity to know and learn.” She said how Venezuela had been under attack ever since Chavez’s first election in 1998 and they still have many problems to face but she promised, “not one penny is going out of the missions and we will continue to prioritise health, education and social progress.”

    George Galloway MP said “Cuba is the threat of a good example” and whilst it may have been isolated, today it is the future “a glimpse of what could be”. Remembering the late Teophilo Stevenson as a three times heavy weight Olympic boxing champion who turned down a fight with Ali saying “What is one million dollars compared to the love of eight million Cubans?” George drew comparisons with Cuban society and the US where “black kids are gunned down in the street under a black president”. Although not perfect “Cuba is the sprig of white heather in the lapel of the future” he said to applause.

    Presenting 23 workshops, film shows, solidarity stalls and book launches on a huge variety of topics and countries with over 50 expert speakers, the annual Latin America conference is without question the most important event on the continent in the UK calendar.

    At one workshop alone more than 60 people heard Dr Steve Ludlam go through the latest economic and workforce changes in Cuba, whilst Dr Tony Kapcia identified and explained the process of negotiations in relation to decision making, mass participation and the building of the Cuban state. Others focussed subjects as diverse as TTIP, Culture and revolution, Bolivia’s recent election, Climate justice, the Miami Five, Ecuador’s citizens’ revolution and volunteering in Central America and Cuba to name just a few.

    Teresita Vicente the interim Charge ‘d’Affaires at the Cuban Embassy said she found the conference “a beautiful experience as a human being” and was pleased to give a strong message to the US government, namely: “ Free the five. Give Guantanamo back to the Cuban people. End the blockade of Cuba”. Re-iterating the fact that the region is now united and changing for the better, she looked forward to the future and an even bigger response for progressive ideas and social justice.

    It was left to a homegrown hero of our movement, Jeremy Corbyn MP, to once again close the conference. He praised the speech by Argentinean Ambassador Alicia Castro describing the vulture capital funds attacking her country as “vile people, utterly disgusting and contemptible.”He praised the continent where no nuclear weapons exist, no proliferation takes place and all recently supported the creation of Palestine. He spoke with real pride about a region demonstrating real solidarity with ordinary people.

    Cuba he noted has been there “for the whole of my lifetime” as a shining example to the continent of what is possible. Much of that example is now on the agenda across Latin America, with ALBA paving the way for real choices – “for the right to go to school, to have a health service, a chance to live in a home and work in a job.”

    He stressed here are still problems that cannot be ignored. In Mexico, in Colombia, in Guatemala and in Honduras, where just in the last decade 60,000 murders have taken place with impunity.

    But as Latin America Adelante 2014 showed there is so much to give us real hope and re-iterating the strongly felt theme of the conference Jeremy declared, “we can all learn so much from Latin America’s experience and another world is truly possible.”
    View a slide show of photos from the day here
    Follow the live blog from the day here
    See Aleida speak in Leicester, Sheffield and London this week

              â€˜If The Blockade Was Lifted Today, The Cuban Economy Would Thrive Tomorrow’        

    The daughter of Che, Aleida Guevara, in London to address today the Latin America Conference, spoke to Ollie Hopkins about Cuba’s role in the developing world, the US obstacles to its development and the Miami Five anti-terrorists.

    Like her father before her, Aleida Guevara is a trained doctor with first hand experiences of medical brigades in Angola, Ecuador and Nicaragua. On Cuba’s rapid response to the Ebola crisis, she said: “It is our duty — we are Afro-Latin Americans — and we’ll take our solidarity to the children of that continent for their contribution to our nation.”

    Cuba currently has the largest contingent of foreign health workers volunteering in Ebola treatment centres in Sierra Leone and has recently seen Felix Baez, one of their team, contract the disease.
    He is being treated by the World Health Organisation for the disease in Switzerland and is said to be responding well to the treatment.

    Cuba’s swift action in West Africa is part of a longstanding tradition of medical solidarity in times of need.
    Often, such as with Ebola in Sierra Leone and the Haiti earthquake, Cuban medical professionals were already on the ground before the disaster struck, helping the poorest communities and crucially, they remain long after the disaster is over to assist in building up medical expertise in the area.

    Cuba is not a wealthy country. Its GDP per person is less than one sixth of Britain’s. Yet it punches far above its weight in its humanitarian response to international disasters.

    Since the revolution, 325,000 Cuban health workers have volunteered in 158 countries. Today there are 50,731 working in 66 countries, including 4,048 in 32 African countries.

    This internationalism has seen it take a lead in Latin America, in the formation of the restoration of vision Operation Miracle, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (Alba), the enourmously successful literacy method Yo, Si Puedo (Yes, I can) and supporting and training the continent’s health workers, teachers and technicians of the future.

    Cuba has been an inspiration over the years for many of the continent’s current progressive leaders and Guevara believes her father would approve of the social progress taking place in the region: “He would be backing all the revolutionary movements, I guess. He was a great revolutionary himself and he would be helping all the men and women who are trying to change their lives … My father always appreciated staunch advocates of a certain ideology who know exactly what they want in life. No matter if he agreed or disagreed with them, he would certainly give a hand to those leaders who are willing to change their peoples’ lives for the better,” she said in a recent interview with Russia Today.

    After another resounding victory at the UN in October where 188 countries, out of the total of 193, voted against the blockade, the US position on Cuba is becoming increasingly untenable in Latin America.
    The next Organisation of American States (OAS) meeting in Panama in April 2015 will see Cuba in attendance for the first time despite US protests.

    And the US is also facing growing internal pressure to end the blockade as the recent New York Times editorial — Obama Should End the Embargo on Cuba — attests.

    However, despite international outrage the effects are still affecting the Cuban economy and its people depriving it of essential supplies, including medical equipment and medication.

    The Cuba Solidarity Campaign has purchased vital medical equipment for Guevara to take back to Cuba with her because the blockade makes it impossible for the hospital where she works to obtain it through the usual channels.

    The current cumulative damage to the Cuban economy from the blockade is now estimated at $1.1 trillion over the last half century.

    “If the blockade was lifted today, the Cuban economy would be thriving tomorrow. And if our everyday life improved, if there was affordable housing, then our public transport, diet and entertainment industry would take a turn for the better as well. More things and services would become available to our people. A time of prosperity would begin for our country,” says Guevara.

    Another cause close to her heart is the campaign for freedom for the Miami Five and on Wednesday December 3 she will be speaking alongside MPs, trade unionists, legal experts, artists and activists outside the US embassy in London to urge its government to free the the Five, who have now spent 16 years in prison since their unjust imprisonment.

    On her last visit to Britain, Guevara supported the British trade union movement involvement in the campaign to free the Five and urged more people to get involved with the campaign: “We need to multiply our force. Let’s break the blockade of silence imposed on the truth. As Jose Marti said, bad people triumph when good people sleep.”

    This article originally appeared in the Morning Star
              De Cuba y del terrorismo de Estado        

    El uso sistemático del ‘Terrorismo de Estado’ por parte de un gobierno, tienen como fin el imponer a la población cooperación activa y acatamiento. Los instrumentos más utilizados, entre otros, son la coacción y las represalias. Asimismo, frecuentemente se considera al ‘Terrorismo de Estado’ como un asesinato a los derechos universales de los seres humanos.

    Dicen los entendidos que es difícil de identificar, porque los conceptos tienen una definición y entendimiento según la época, el contexto histórico y socio-político-económico, las características culturales y geográficas.
    Históricamente, es evidente que el ‘Terrorismo de Estado’ presenta sus credenciales cuando un gobierno echa mano de los medios violentos y los aplica severamente contra los ciudadanos, con ayuda de la policía, fuerzas armadas, servicios secretos, seguidores, etcétera.

    De esta manera, el gobierno que representa al Estado incurre en una exacerbación ilegítima de la intimidación, que es impropia en los procedimientos legales establecidos.

    Tipos de Terrorismo de Estado

    En vista de que son unos cuantos los prototipos de ‘Terrorismo de Estado’, a los que pudiera recurrir para invadir estas cuartillas, inevitable, ocuparse de algunos de ellos, para poder argumentar el asunto que encabeza ésta exposición. Tengo la esperanza de no incomodar al leedor y que pueda conseguir llegar a un buen final.

    El primer caso de ‘Terrorismo de Estado’, o el más conocido por la academia, es el de un régimen constitucional y parlamentario que recurrió a mecanismos ilegales para imponer a los ciudadanos los criterios absolutistas del gobernante. Fue el llamado ‘Reinado del Terror Francés’, y estaba encabezado por Maximilien de Robespierre, en el otoño de 1793.

    Empero, las técnicas más depuradas de ‘Terrorismo de Estado’, se utilizaron en el siglo XX, bajo gobiernos excesivamente autoritarios ―fascistas y comunistas―. Regímenes dictatoriales como el de Benito Mussolini (Italia), Adolf Hitler (Alemania), Stalin (Unión Soviética), Francisco Franco (España), y Than Shew (Myanmar, Birmania). En Estados Unidos de América, la creación del ‘Comité de Actividades Antinorteamericanas (1940-1950)’, permitió al senador Joseph Raymond McCarthy, articular una modalidad de ‘Terrorismo de Estado’ a finales de la década del 40, conocida como ‘Caza de Brujas’.

    Dictaduras y Terrorismo

    También, América Latina ha sufrido por gobernantes que han utilizado el ‘Terrorismo de Estado’, como Anastasio Somoza (Nicaragua), Alfredo Stroessner (Paraguay), Rafael Leónidas Trujillo (República Dominicana), Augusto Pinochet (Chile) y Fulgencio Batista (Cuba). A este último dictador, lo derrocó un movimiento revolucionario encabezado por Fidel Castro Ruz.

    A propósito de Fidel Castro, este ha dirigido de manera sectaria y despótica el país. Por más de medio siglo atesora siniestros instrumentos represivos y propagandísticos. Además, la dictadura castrista ha utilizado frenéticos y refinados métodos de ‘Terrorismo de Estado’, asimilados de la ‘brutal academia stalinista’. Hoy día, está en el poder su hermano Raúl Castro, que aparenta ser moderado. 

    El ‘cacique mayor’, Fidel Castro, cada día más cadáver, continúa personificando al Estado-gobierno-partido. Pero su personal ‘Terrorismo de Estado’, ahora en manos de Raúl Castro, no ha podido silenciar a los hombres y mujeres de la oposición política y de la sociedad civil, que heroicamente enfrentan de forma pacífica cada andanada perversa de la dictadura. Resulta evidente que, actualmente, más que en el pasado, la oposición anticastrista tiene indestructibles bríos, no renuncia a sus derechos y oportunamente encontrará la senda de la transición noviolenta, para concertar un nuevo contrato social y democrático con plena libertad.

    Las secuelas del ‘Terrorismo de Estado’ castrista están enraizadas en la memoria histórica de la nación y en los miles de cubanos que han sufrido en carne propia los vilipendios y arbitrariedades del régimen, que se ha caracterizado por una obsesiva e irracional violencia que restringe las libertades individuales y universales, impone una monolítica ideología marxista-fidelista, exige un sometimiento ilimitado al régimen, ha institucionalizado una adecuada estructura coercitiva policial y un eficaz aparato de policía secreta y de colaboradores, los medios de comunicación están monopolizados por la dictadura, se ha destruido el concepto de familia, los opositores y disidentes son sistemáticamente aislados, exiliados, encarcelados, torturados, asesinados física y mentalmente.

    Por todas estas razones, sería interminable hablar sobre pormenores de la pesadilla que vive la nación cubana, en especial los compatriotas disidentes y opositores que viven en el archipiélago. Y como a todas luces, describir los excesos de la dictadura sería aterrador y enfermaría el espíritu, prefiero ser justo y no prolongar la impotencia del lector ante esta realidad.

    Complicidades ilustres

    También, desafortunadamente, es verdad de existe connivencia de gobiernos y demócratas sobre la violación de los derechos humanos que comete la dictadura, como Rodrigo Zapatero en España, los que hacen ojos ciegos en América Latina y algunos ilustres miembros del Consejo de Derechos Humanos en Ginebra.

    Llegado a este punto, a los ‘idealistas’ que sueña con la utopía de la ‘dictadura del proletariado’, el centralismo marxista, el culto a la personalidad, la supuesta igualdad de clases, que no existe ‘Terrorismo de Estado’ en Cuba y otros países, que no quieren ver el ocaso de regímenes dictatoriales, con respeto quiero invitarlos, para que junto con el cubano de a pie conozca de cerca la realidad de lo que acontece en el archipiélago cubano. Al final de la experiencia la pregunta que debe responder es: ¿Aceptaría vivir en Cuba o prefiere instaurar en su país de origen un sistema similar al castrista?

    Pese a todo, siempre he expresado y sostengo que: Soy defendedor de causas sociales y políticas nobles. Empero no creo en mefistofélicos defensores que lucran con los anhelos de fraternidad y buena voluntad universal del género humano. Porque la justicia demanda ética, discernimiento y valor. Y en lo aparentemente indescifrable hay que descubrir su esencia de verdad.

    Por lo dicho, y porque sé de las arbitrariedades y tentáculos castrista y de otros dictadores, defiendo los ideales de una transición pacifica en Cuba y otros países para restablezcan la libertad y democracia.

    De modo que, no titubeo en creer en los opositores y disidentes cubanos, grupos de indignados, mujeres apabulladas por el enfermizo machismo, y de existen personas en el planeta que saben que es necesario el cambio para salvaguardar el respeto por:

    · Los Derechos Humanos.
    · La Constitucionalidad.
    · El Estado de Derecho.
    · La Educación y Cultura, como bases de una sociedad libre y responsable.
    · La Globalización y Desarrollo racional.
    · La Equidad, para la honesta Competitividad.
    · El Comercio libre e inteligente.
    · La Cooperación y Solidaridad, como dinámicas del progreso y bienestar.
    Para concluir, mientras desde el alma escribo estas cuartillas y teniendo en cuenta de no sé cuando se darán a conocer por razones editoriales, he creído prudente pedir disculpas al lector por aquellos eventos que pudieran hacer pretérito lo dicho aquí. Sin embargo, de ser así es porque la libertad y democracia son una realidad en Cuba y otras naciones porque gozan de un nuevo y próspero futuro.

    En mi opinión, el tiempo es imparable, las épocas cambian, lo escrito permanece en la recordación, la historia dirá la última palabra y con la fuerza del razonamiento se correrá el velo sobre la verdad de los avatares de las naciones. Tienen la palabra amigas, amigos…

    Por Pablo Felipe Pérez Goyry

    Fuente: El Espectador

              Fidel Castro tuvo negocios con Pablo Escobar        
    Pablo Escobar

    Un nuevo escándalo se ha destapado: la hermana de Pablo Escobar asegura que su hermano tenía negocios con Castro.

    Federico Olioso, periodista del semanario venezolano Sexto Poder, entrevistó a Alba Marina, la hermana de Escobar, y esta afirmó que viajó tanto a Nicaragua como a Cuba con su hermano. "Él había ido a Cuba, donde se había entrevistado con Fidel y Raúl y otro miembro de la familia Castro; uno de los empleados de Escobar trabajaba en la Isla y todas las instrucciones que daban los Castro estaban grabadas en los vídeos que ella tenía, pero se perdieron en los allanamientos a su casa, por la persecución que sufría Pablo Escobar" declaró Alba.

    Entre los Castro y Escobar había una afinidad ideológica, un denominador común, que era su carácter antinorteamericano. "Las simpatías ideológicas que tenían se veían más profundizadas cuando Pablo Escobar iba a Cuba", dijo la hermana del narcotraficante en otra parte de la entrevista.

    Los rumores de los negocios de Fidel y Raúl Castro no son nuevos, dos importantes fuentes fueron: un narcotraficante que trabajaba para Escobar aseguró varias veces desde la cárcel que el viajó a Cuba varias veces por órdenes de Pablo para concretar el lavado de dinero y el traspaso de la droga por territorio cubano, este individuo asegura que se entrevistó personalmente varias veces con Fidel y Raúl, pero la prueba más contundente fue en el juicio que se le hizo en Cuba al General Ochoa donde se le acusó de contrabando de drogas y fue fusilado junto a otros implicados. La DEA, a través de un cubano que estaba en el negocio y era familiar de uno de los acusados, supo que el gobierno de Cuba estaba directamente implicado en el negocio con Escobar. Fidel, al enterarse de esto, montó el circo del juicio y condenó a largas penas y fusiló a todos los que pudieran implicarlo, pero en una parte del juicio un capitán de la contrainteligencia que luego fue fusilado, entre lágrimas declaró que él estaba en el negocio porque sus jefes le habían asegurado que el propio Comandante (Fidel Castro) estaba dirigiendo la operación, enseguida vinieron dos militares y lo sacaron de la sala, esta parte del juicio no se puso en Cuba y sigue a continuación:

    Por Nelson Benitez

    Fuente: Impre

              Comment on President Obama treated like Rodney Dangerfield by Jerry Dove        
    On your first claim about Boehner's rejection being the first ever: The June 24, 1986, edition of The Wall Street Journal featured a story headlined, "President's Bid to Address the House On Nicaragua Is Rejected by Speaker." That's right, no quibbling over the date and time, just a flat-out rejection. In that case, President Ronald Reagan wanted to address the House before its critical vote on funding for the anti-communist "Contra" rebels in Nicaragua. Then-Speaker Thomas "Tip" O'Neil said that he was willing to host a Reagan speech if it was expanded to include the Senate in a joint session, or he would allow the President to speak to the House alone if the President would also agree to take questions from lawmakers. Otherwise, there would be no Reagan speech in the House chamber. Reagan already had the votes to prevail in the Senate, and Mr. O'Neil wanted to avoid having the spotlight turned on the House, which would make him and his colleagues accountable to the public if Contra aid were rejected. The Bush twins were fair game for the press and liberal celebreties. They showed little mercy.
              Corriente 12-20-2016 with Elena Klaver        

    Cielo Y Tierra- La Tierra Es Nuestra Madre - Heaven And Earth
    Claudia Gomez- Tierradentro - Tierradentro
    Duo Guardabarranco- Aun Sin Llegar - Dale Una Luz Canciones Compartidas
    Lulacruza- Simpe Reflejo - Circular Tejido
    Lulacruza- Circular Tejido - Circular Tejido
    Locos Por Juana- Luna - Caribe
    Ciro Hurtado- Caminando En El Fuego - Selva
    Ciro Hurtado- Chullachaqui - Selva
    Compay Segundo- Para Vigo Me Voy - 100th Birthday Celebration Compay Segundo
    Alejandro Filio- Hermano Lobo - Un Secreto A Voces
    Luis Enrique Meja Godoy And Grupo Mancotal- Somos Hijos Del Maiz We Are The Children Of Corn - Un Son Para Mi Pueblo Songs From The New Nicaragua
    Lila Downs- La Patria Madrina feat Juanes - Balas Y Chocolate
    Lila Downs Nia Pastori Soledad- La Raz De Mi Tierra - Raz
    Guardabarranco- Mi Luna - Casa Abierta
    Isabel Parra- Solo El Amor - Silvio Rodrguez En Chile Vol 2
    Willy Chirino- Africa - The Rough Guide To Cuban Rare Groove
    Irka Mateo- Hoy No Ests - Anacaona
    Manu Chao- Clandestino - Radio Bemba Sound System
    Paracumb- Mam Cudame A Beln - Tamb
    Ana Tijoux- Somos Sur - Somos Sur
    Juan Luis Guerra Y La 440- Ojala Que Llueve Cafe - Greatest Hits
    Silvio Rodrguez- Cancin Del Trovador Errante - Domnguez
    Roberto Fonseca- Velas Y Flores - ABUC

    playlist URL: http://www.afterfm.com/index.cfm/fuseaction/playlist.listing/showInstanceID/24/playlistDate/2016-12-20
              Corriente 12-01-2015 with Elena Klaver        

    Ransoli Y Camacho- Titicaca - Arkantiq
    Don Sonora- Mexico Tenochtitlan - El Corazon De Los Cantores
    Jess Hidalgo- Yo Soy - Yo Camino Lo Que Canto
    Edna Vazquez- Corazonada - Sola Soy
    Las Cafeteras- Ya Me Voy - Its Time
    Las Cafeteras- El Zapateado - Its Time
    Nano Stern- rbol Del Bosque - MIL500 VUELTAS
    - voicebreak -
    Silvio Rodrguez- La Maza - Cuba Classics 1 Canciones Urgentes Los Grandes Exitos
    Silvio Rodrguez- Cancion Urgente Para Nicaragua - Cuba Classics 1 Canciones Urgentes Los Grandes Exitos
    Silvio Rodrguez- Sueno Con Serpientes - Cuba Classics 1 Canciones Urgentes Los Grandes Exitos
    Silvio Rodrguez- Unicornio - Cuba Classics 1 Canciones Urgentes Los Grandes Exitos
    Calle 13- Ojos Color Sol feat Silvio Rodrguez - MultiViral
    Alex Cuba- Ni Forma Ni Colores - Healer
    Silvio Rodrguez- La Gaviota - Unicornio
    Juan Luis Guerra- Testimonio - Ni Es Lo Mismo Ni Es Igual
    Juan Luis Guerra- Amapola - Coleccin Romantica
    Carlos Vives- Papadi - Djame Entrar
    Vocal Sampling- El Cuarto De Tula - Cambio De Tiempo
    La Santa Cecilia- Nuestra Seora La Reina De Los ngeles - Treinta Das
    Grupo Fantasma- Cayuco - Problemas
    Sergio Arau Los Heavy Mex- No Me Late La Tira Ni Me Latir - No Me Late La Tira Ni Me Latir Single
    Bomba Estreo- Amanecer - Amanecer
    Gabriel Alegria AfroPeruvian Sextet- Taita Guaranguito - 10
    - voicebreak -
    Antonio Adolfo- Natureza - Tema
    Quitapenas- Justicia - Quitapenas
    Lila Downs- La Cumbia Del Mol - The Very Best Of El Alma De Lila Downs

    playlist URL: http://www.afterfm.com/index.cfm/fuseaction/playlist.listing/showInstanceID/24/playlistDate/2015-12-01
              Edited Volume Released: Reparations & Human Rights        
    Waging War, Making Peace - Reparations and Human Rights will be formally launched by Left Coast Press at this years AAA meetings.

    This book is subtitled "A Report from the American Anthropological Association, Committee for Human Rights, Reparations Task Force" and is developed from a 2006 CfHR-sponsored session at the AAA's and subsequent task force work. The book was developed as an interdisciplinary reader -- meant to communicate anthropological insights and experiences to a broader public and academic audience.

    Click here for additional information.

    Table of Contents

    2. REPARATIONS AND THE ILLUSIVE MEANING OF JUSTICE IN GUATEMALA ~ DILL, Kathleeen (Latin American Studies Institute, University of Texas, Austin) and Barbara Rose Johnston (Ctr. For Political Ecology)
    4. REPARATION: NICARAGUA ~ PHILLIPS, James (Southern Oregon University)
    8. THE PIECES OF PEACE: LAWFARE IN THE NEW CYPRUS ~ BRYANT, Rebecca (George Mason University)
    10. THE ETHICAL DIMENSIONS OF PEACE ~ SCHAFFT, Gretchen (American University)
              You don't know Dick        

    Dick Cheney was never a "grown-up"

    A hard look at how one man changed the face of neoconservatism.

    By Sidney Blumenthal

    Apr. 14, 2008 | After Dick Cheney shot a friend in the face on a Texas hunting trip in February 2006, the national press corps began to speculate about him as one of the great mysteries of Washington, the Sphinx of the Naval Observatory, his official residence. Cheney had been known in the capital for decades through a career that carried him from congressional intern to the most powerful vice president in American history, but now his supposedly changed character became a subject of intense speculation. Brent Scowcroft, who had been George H.W. Bush's national security adviser, and had counseled against the invasion of Iraq, told The New Yorker magazine in 2005, "I consider Cheney a good friend -- I've known him for thirty years. But Dick Cheney I don't know anymore." Scowcroft's judgment was less about Cheney's temperament than his policy positions. The press, however, sought to disclose the sources of his "darkening persona," as a cover story in Newsweek described it. "Has Cheney changed? Has he been transformed, warped, perhaps corrupted -- by stress, wealth, aging, illness, the real terrors of the world or possibly some inner goblins?" A cover story entitled "Heart of Darkness," published in The New Republic, suggested that Cheney's heart disease had produced vascular dementia. "So, the next time you see Cheney behaving oddly, don't automatically assume that he's a bad man."

    In 2000, when Cheney, as head of George W. Bush's search committee for a running mate, selected himself, opinion makers in Washington greeted the choice as proof positive of the younger Bush's deference to wisdom and therefore personifying prudence. Cheney's "manner gives him immunity from the extremist label," assured David Broder, the longtime leading political columnist of the Washington Post. "Voters who saw his televised briefings during the Persian Gulf War remember the calm voice and thoughtful expression that are his natural style ... By choosing a grown-up, Bush gave evidence of his own sense of responsibility."

    Five years later, in 2005, Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, by then the former chief of staff to the former Secretary of State Colin Powell, speaking publicly at a Washington think tank, the New America Foundation, was less concerned with the press corps' obsession with Cheney's shifting images than with exposing his unprecedented manipulations. "What I saw was a cabal between the vice-president of the United States, Richard Cheney, and the secretary of defense, Donald Rumsfeld, on critical issues that made decisions that the bureaucracy did not know were being made." Though he had had extensive experience in government, Wilkerson had never before encountered such "secrecy," "aberration" and "bastardization" in decision-making. "It is a dysfunctional process," he said. "And to myself I said, okay, put on your academic hat. Who's causing this?"

    Previously fixed on the stereotype of the "grown-up," pundits projected a new stereotype of dementia. But had Cheney, in fact, been fundamentally transformed, becoming unrecognizable to those professional observers of the press who believed they knew him well? Both Scowcroft and Wilkerson had encountered Cheney within councils of state. Had even Scowcroft misjudged Cheney as a team player when he was Secretary of Defense during the Gulf War? Was Cheney a regular, conservative minded Republican who had just gone mad? Or, if he were a member of a "cabal," did it involve more than Rumsfeld?

    George W. Bush jettisoned the tenets of traditional Republicanism -- fiscal responsibility, limited government, separation of church and state, and realism in foreign policy. Instead the doctrines that had been nurtured in the hothouse of the Counter-Establishment since the Reagan period achieved their most radical expression. At every point, Cheney exercised his power.

    The supply-side theory of tax cuts -- that slashing tax rates especially on the upper brackets would produce a flood of new government revenues -- was applied with a vengeance even after the Reagan experiment had disproved the notion, having fostered extraordinary deficits. On Nov. 15, 2002, after Bush's tax cuts had passed, then Secretary of the Treasury Paul O'Neill spoke at a White House meeting of the senior economic team about an impending "fiscal crisis" because of "what rising deficits will mean to our economic and fiscal soundness." Cheney quickly knocked down his argument. "Reagan proved deficits don't matter," he said. "We won the midterms. This is our due." O'Neill was soon fired. He concluded that Cheney and "a praetorian guard" governed Bush's presidency. "It's not penetrable by facts," he said. "It's absolutism."

    Conservative lawyers were installed throughout the administration and appointed to federal judgeships while radical legal doctrines were imposed. As soon as he took office Bush ended the American Bar Association's pre-screening of judicial nominees, a practice that had begun in 1948. The ABA was considered a hopelessly "liberal" organization. In its place de facto vetting was now performed by the Federalist Society, a group that "has created a conservative intellectual network that extends to all levels of the legal community," according to its website. Founded in 1982 and infused with more than $15 million in grants from conservative foundations, the Federalist Society has become the principal network for lawyers on the right. Nearly every Bush judicial nominee, every Justice Department official, every general counsel in every federal department and agency, and dozens of senior cabinet and sub-cabinet secretaries was a member.

    The congressional investigation into the political purge of U.S. Attorneys uncovered evaluation forms with a column to be checked about whether or not the applicant was a Federalist Society member. On every issue, from the gutting of the civil rights division of the Justice Department, where 60 percent of the professional staff was driven out and not a single discrimination case was filed, to the implementation of the so-called "war paradigm," including abrogation of Article Three of the Geneva Convention against torture, (which then White House counsel Alberto Gonzales termed "quaint" in a memo to the president), Federalist Society cadres were at the center. David Addington, Cheney's counsel and later chief of staff, directed the tight-knit group of "torture lawyers" within the administration.

    Foreign policy was dominated by the neoconservatives whose agenda was galvanized after the terrorist attacks of September 11. The 2000 manifesto issued by the Project for a New American Century, a neoconservative group that advocated "regime change" in Iraq, contained a cautionary line that "the process of transformation, even if it brings revolutionary change, is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event -- like a new Pearl Harbor." September 11 became that "new Pearl Harbor," providing long hoped for political momentum the neoconservatives channeled for an invasion of Iraq.

    The influence of the neoconservatives over the national security apparatus was heavy-handed and pervasive. More than 17 signatories of the Project for the New American Century statement held posts within the Bush administrations, including Cheney, Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz (Deputy Secretary of Defense), Richard Perle (chairman of the Defense Policy Board), and John Bolton (Undersecretary of State for Policy and later Acting U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations). But these eminences were the tip of the iceberg. Neoconservatives also staffed the Office of the Vice President, comprising the largest national security team ever assembled by a vice president. Neoconservatives were strategically placed throughout the National Security Council—for example, Elliott Abrams, NSC director of Middle East affairs, a convicted felon in the Iran-contra scandal. And neoconservatives were packed into the Office of the Secretary of Defense and his Office of Special Plans, a new office created to "stovepipe" intelligence to the White House without having it vetted by the CIA or other intelligence agencies.

    The Iraq war was largely a neoconservative production conducted under the guidance of Cheney and Rumsfeld. Cheney took command of the intelligence process, even arranging for Bush to sign Executive Order 13292, written by Addington, giving the vice president the same power over intelligence as the president. The disinformation campaign that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction was a joint enterprise of the Office of the Vice President and the Office of the Secretary of Defense, providing a steady stream of evidence that was later revealed to be false and fabricated.

    The occupation of Iraq was undertaken as a grand experiment in conservative ideology. The experienced hands in nation building at the State Department, who had prepared for the complexities of Iraqi reconstruction, as well as senior professionals from the departments of Treasury, Energy and Commerce, were blackballed by Cheney, Rumsfeld and their neoconservative aides. The hiring for the Coalition Provisional Authority was run by Rumsfeld's liaison to the White House (mainly OVP), who gathered resumes from the slush piles of conservative think tanks, and subjected prospective employees to rigorous tests of political loyalty, asking whether they had voted for George W. Bush and were opposed to abortion.

    Cheney's reliance on neoconservatives was essential in carrying out his long conceived project of creating an imperial presidency, an executive unfettered by Congress or the press, that under the banner of war could enact any policy and obey or ignore any law that it wished. Cheney's use of the neoconservatives to attain his aims -- the core goals of the Bush presidency -- was hardly happenstance or an alliance of sudden convenience. "Has Cheney changed?" asked Newsweek. The answer to that question required delving deeply into the hidden history of neoconservatism.

    Richard Nixon was the first Republican president to cultivate the neoconservatives. They were considered a potentially fresh source of ideas to deal with racial turmoil, student unrest over the Vietnam War, and the discontents of the working and middle classes. Nixon's first encounter took place on March 12, 1970, when Irving Kristol was invited to dinner with the president. Kristol was a former Trotskyist who maintained a consistently cynical view of liberalism as he drifted to the right, acting as an editor at a succession of small journals. The diary of H.R. Haldeman, Nixon's chief of staff, records: "Tonight P (President) stag dinner with key staff and Irving Kristol. Got off to slow start and through dinner P talked with (George) Shultz (Secretary of Labor) about labor matters, Kristol just listened. Sort of a waste of time and talent. In Oval Room [Office] after dinner the talk heated up, about whole subject of condition of the country, focused on radicalization of large number of college students, strength of nihilistic groups (in influence, not numbers), and how to deal with it all ... Must say, Kristol didn't add much."

    Nixon did not recall Kristol from that dinner. Kristol, after all, had been uncharacteristically quiet. Nonetheless, Nixon's aides kept sending him articles Kristol wrote on such subjects as pornography and censorship. After Kristol endorsed Nixon for reelection in 1972, causing a stir among the New York intellectuals, Nixon's most conservative aides, Patrick Buchanan and Charles Colson, recommended that Nixon hire Kristol as a domestic policy expert to replace the departing Daniel Patrick Moynihan. For whatever reason, whether Nixon's or Kristol's demurral, Kristol did not receive the appointment.

    With Nixon's resignation and Gerald Ford's assumption of the presidency, a new aide arrived with the portfolio to gather ideas from conservative thinkers. Robert Goldwin was himself little known among intellectuals. He was a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, the oldest conservative think tank in Washington; founded to combat the New Deal, it functioned as the brain trust for Barry Goldwater's campaign in 1964. Goldwin had published no notable articles or books of his own and believed generally that intellectuals did not "even have much to say to the ordinary citizen." His notion was less an idea than an impulse, a deeply seated resentment against liberalism that took the form of anti-intellectualism.

    Goldwin's gruff contempt expressed the common opinion of conservatives, even conservative thinkers, of the period. AEI was less a hive of activism than a small, stagnant world apart. Its scholars had not achieved distinction in peer-reviewed academia; nor were they known for interesting articles in major publications. Kristol was an experienced provocateur and organizer, whose neoconservatism was a Leninist strategy for the right: intellectual cadres would act as a vanguard to guide the masses of Nixon's "Silent Majority" against the class enemy.

    Goldwin's first service to President Ford was to arrange an hour long private meeting with Kristol, who soon began recommending neoconservatives to positions on the National Endowment for the Humanities and Library of Congress.

    Goldwin also called Kristol's work to the attention of Ford's chief of staff Donald Rumsfeld, who in turn handed it over to his deputy Dick Cheney. (Cheney had also been Rumsfeld's assistant when Rumsfeld served as counselor to President Nixon.) Cheney had earned a master's degree in political science at the University of Wyoming and pursued doctoral studies at the University of Wisconsin before dropping out to work as an intern for a Republican congressman from Wisconsin. According to documents in the archives of the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library, Cheney wrote Goldwin on Jan. 25, 1975. "I greatly appreciate receiving the stuff you've been sending me… Anything like that that comes in from Kristol or others, I'd love to see."

    Five days later, Kristol wrote Goldwin a letter explaining the political necessity of fostering a conservative Counter-Establishment:

    "I do think the White House ought to do something for a relatively small group of men who are, unbeknownst to it, being helpful to this Administration, to the Republican party, and to conservative and moderate enterprise in general. I am referring to the men who head small and sometimes obscure foundations which support useful research and activities of a kind that the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations take a dim view of. I have got to know an awful lot of them these past years, and they never have received the barest recognition which I think they are entitled to. I am thinking of people like R. Randolph Richardson of the Smith Richardson Foundation, Donald Regan from the Merrill Trust, someone from the Earhart Foundation, the head of the Scaife Family Trust, and the head of the Lilly Endowment, etc. I say ‘head' because, in each case, one would have to determine whether it is the chairman of the board of the executive director who is the appropriate person to receive this recognition. But it would be nice if, say, the White House were to invite these gentlemen and their wives to a State dinner occasionally. If you think this can be done, I'd be happy to draw up a list for your guidance."

    On Feb. 14, 1975, Cheney wrote Goldwin, "Bob, why don't you come see me on Irving Kristol. We need to come up with a specific proposal as to how he might be utilized full time." Kristol was soon sending a flow of letters and articles containing his views on a wide range of subjects to Goldwin that were also shared with Cheney. One Goldwin memo, dated Nov. 18, 1975, appended to a Wall Street Journal op-ed written by Kristol on small business, "The New Forgotten Man": "In case you missed it, this Kristol piece is excellent and addressed very directly to us in this Administration." At Kristol's suggestion, Goldwin also launched a series of seminars for senior officials within the administration that included a number of neoconservative luminaries. Cheney, who had become White House chief of staff, and Rumsfeld, who had been named Secretary of Defense, were regular attendees.

    After Ford's defeat in 1976, Kristol's influence in directing the funding of right-wing foundations made him the widely acknowledged godfather of the neoconservative movement. During the Reagan years, he moved from New York to Washington, settling as a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, which under his influence had shed its traditional Republican origins and become a neoconservative bastion. (In 2002, George W. Bush awarded Kristol the Presidential Medal of Freedom.) Kristol's son, William, meanwhile, continued the family business, serving as chief of staff to Vice President Dan Quayle, an isolated outpost of neoconservatism during the elder Bush's administration that its denizens called "Fort Reagan." William became editor of a neoconservative journal of opinion, The Weekly Standard, part of press lord Rupert Murdoch's media empire that included Fox News, where the younger Kristol holds forth as a regular commentator. Two years after establishing The Weekly Standard, Kristol co-founded and chaired the Project for a New American Century, whose office was housed at the American Enterprise Institute.

    The abbreviated history of the Ford administration, reaping the whirlwind of Nixon's failed presidency, besieged on all sides by the Congress, the press and an insurgent Republican right, scarred Cheney. His encouragement of Kristol and the neoconservatives reflected his efforts to move the Ford administration rightward. Along with Rumsfeld he pushed for the creation of a parallel commission dubbed the Team B to second-guess the CIA on Soviet military capability. The Team B's report projecting a rapidly expanding Soviet threat turned out to contain faulty data. Then CIA director George H.W. Bush, who had acceded to Team B's creation, later condemned it as having set "in motion a process that lends itself to manipulation for purposes other than estimative accuracy." Nonetheless, Team B served as an important milestone in legitimating neoconservatism within the Republican Party.

    Elected to the House of Representatives from Wyoming in 1978, Cheney quickly rose within the Republican leadership, becoming the party's senior figure on intelligence matters. As the ranking Republican on the joint congressional committee investigating the Iran-contra scandal Cheney issued a report (written by his then counsel Addington) that attacked the Congress for encroaching on the president's prerogatives in foreign policy, although the scandal involved secret offshore bank accounts, rogue sales of missiles to Iran and bribery of White House officials. This parallel and illegal foreign policy was constructed to avoid adherence to the congressional Boland amendments that prohibited covert military aid to the Nicaraguan contras. Cheney's minority report was a brief for the imperial presidency. It stated: "Congressional actions to limit the president in this area therefore should be reviewed with a considerable degree of skepticism. If they interfere with the core presidential foreign policy functions, they should be struck down." In 2005, he told reporters that the report best captured his views of a "robust" presidency.

    When I published this book in 1986 it appeared just months before the Iran-contra scandal was revealed. I had set out to examine the ways that conservatives had created an infrastructure for institutionalizing and magnifying their influence in national politics and throughout the federal government. Then on the national staff of the Washington Post, I knew Dick Cheney as the House Republican Whip. But I didn't imagine then that his crusade for unfettered presidential power and a unitary executive would culminate during a subsequent presidential administration.

    As Secretary of Defense in the elder Bush's administration, Cheney was always the most ideological member of the national security team. Colin Powell, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, called Cheney's Pentagon senior staff "a refuge for Reagan-era hardliners." After the Gulf War, in 1992, the neoconservatives engaged in a new Team B-like operation under Cheney's aegis. Paul Wolfowitz, Undersecretary of Defense for Policy, and his deputies, I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby (later VP Cheney's chief of staff) and Zalmay Khalilzad (later U.S. ambassador to Iraq and the U.N.), after consulting with leading neoconservatives, produced a draft document for a post-Cold War U.S. foreign policy, simply called Defense Policy Guidance. The memo argued for unilateral use of U.S. force, preemptive strikes, preventing the emergence of powerful rivals including nations that were formally allied to the U.S., and pointedly did not refer to international order or multilateral organizations. Once the document was leaked to the New York Times, however, Bush administration officials killed it as contrary to their foreign policy. But Cheney was proud of the memo and issued a version of it under his name as a departing gesture in 1992 as the administration left office. "He took ownership of it," said Khalilzad. The ideas contained within it resurfaced in the 2000 manifesto of the Project for a New American Century (Wolfowitz, Libby, Khalilzad, and Cheney were signatories) and in 2002 as the basis for President George W. Bush's "National Security Strategy of the United States of America."

    After the first Bush administration, Cheney became the chief executive officer of Halliburton and a member of the board of trustees of the American Enterprise Institute. His wife, Lynne, who as chair of the National Endowment for the Humanities from 1986 to 1993 had been a fierce cultural warrior on the right, became a senior fellow at AEI. On January 23, 2003, two months before the invasion of Iraq, President Bush delivered a speech at the annual AEI dinner bestowing the Irving Kristol Award. "You do such good work that my administration has borrowed 20 such minds," he declared. The following year, Cheney did the honors. "Being here brings to mind my own days affiliated with AEI, which stretch back some 30 years," he recalled.

    Cheney had not changed over the years; on the contrary, he could not have been more explicit and direct about his goals all along. There never was a real mystery about him. Early on, Cheney's notions for an imperial presidency and his relationships with the neoconservatives merged on to a single track. Since the beleaguered Ford White House, he sought out people to develop and implement such ideas, which became the governing policy of George W. Bush's administration. Only through Cheney was the rise of neoconservatism made possible. Now its next phase will revolve around finding a new sponsor to return them to power despite the catastrophic consequences of their ideas.

              Nicaragua awareness trip brings ‘great opportunity for learning’        
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              Comment on My final ode to Nicaragua by Joann        
    Welcome home Laurel!
              Cocheros en Manicaragua exigen que bajen los impuestos        
              Adaptation and Loss and Damage Update: Publications Expose Climate-related Risks for SDGs        
    The International Water Management Institute issued a report outlining the multiple climate hazard risks, along with related key issues and challenges facing the region. The CGIAR Research Program on Climate Change, Agriculture and Food Security paper provides an economic valuation of adaptation risk and responses in Nicaragua. The SDC Climate Change and Environment Network nexus brief focuses on linkages between health and climate change.
              Land Update: Stakeholders Present Progress on Tenure Security and Monitoring        
    Asian regional members of the International Land Coalition (ILC) called for greater recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples to control their land and resources and their own development. PROFOR published a study analyzing forest tenure regimes in Argentina, Colombia, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Peru. During a regional inception workshop convened by the LPI and IFPRI, 12 African countries embarked on the pilot ‘Monitoring and Evaluation of Land in Africa’ (MELA) project. In Nicaragua, a US$18 million loan from the World Bank will be used to improve the legalization, titling and property registration services.
              Una reflexión por el CO2 que emiten nuestros coches        
    Una de las noticias de la semana ha sido la decisión de Estados Unidos -bueno, de su particular presidente- de retirarse del acuerdo del clima de París. En resumen, los países de todo el mundo -salvo Nicaragua, Siria, y ahora EEUU- se pusieron de acuerdo para reducir sus emisiones de dióxido de carbono (CO2) para … Seguir leyendo Una reflexión por el CO2 que emiten nuestros coches
              El Canciller de la Dignidad (2)        
    Por Raúl Roa Kourí

    Raúl Roa García, a quien el pueblo cubano bautizara como “Canciller de la Dignidad” en los años iniciales de la Revolución Cubana, cuando libró memorable brega en la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) y las Naciones Unidas (ONU), ora contra las maniobras yanquis para aislar a Cuba, expulsarla de la OEA y asfixiarla económicamente, ora para encarar la agresión mercenaria de Playa Girón, urdida, financiada y desatada por el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos en 1961, y desenmascarar a los representantes del imperio en el Consejo de Seguridad en lo que la historia ha recogido como “la batalla de la ONU”, nació en La Habana, el 18 de abril de 1907. El 6 de julio del presente año (2017) se conmemora el 35 aniversario de su partida.

    Sus padres, Ramón Raúl Roa Reyes y María Luisa García Espinosa, residían, cuando nació, en la Calzada de Carlos III, pero tanto mi padre como su única hermana, Gilda, vivirían la mayor parte de su infancia y adolescencia en el habanero barrio de La Víbora, donde Roa se estrenó en el arte de confeccionar y empinar papalotes, jugar quimbumbia y como primera base de un equipo de béisbol juvenil, aficiones –salvo la quimbumbia- que nunca abandonó, asistiendo regularmente a los campeonatos nacionales de béisbol para animar a los Industrialesy empinando cometas desde la azotea de la Asamblea Nacional o en los arrecifes dientes de perro costaneros.

    Cursó estudios primarios en pequeñas escuelas cercanas a la casa y secundarios en el Colegio Hermanos Maristas (Academia Champagnat) de La Víbora, obteniendo el título de Bachiller en Ciencias y Letras en el Instituto de La Habana y más tarde, los de Doctor en Derecho Público y Doctor en Derecho Civil en la Universidad de La Habana. Nunca ejerció, empero, la carrera de abogado, excepto una vez, para asumir la defensa en el Tribunal de Urgencia –durante la primera época de la dictadura militar de Fulgencio Batista– de un grupo de compañeros, entre ellos, Leonardo Fernández Sánchez, José Chelala Aguilera y Regino Pedroso, quienes fueron condenados a seis meses de reclusión penitenciaria. En otra ocasión, en la que Roa debía asumir su autodefensa, se escabulló y fue juzgado en rebeldía.

    Su abuelo mambí, Ramón Roa Garí –“un hombre del 68” le llamó Máximo Gómez; “el más original de los poetas de la guerra” según José Martí– dejó indeleble huella en el joven Roa. Manito, como cariñosamente se decían el uno al otro, relataba al pequeño episodios de la “guerra grande” (1868-1878) y ensalzaba las glorias del “Mayor”, como dijeron siempre a Ignacio Agramonte los soldados del Camagüey. Ramón había sido su Ayudante, como también lo fue de Julio Sanguily y de Máximo Gómez. En el estilo de Raúl Roa hay reminiscencias del gracejo y desenfado del abuelo; además, ambos fueron cultores de la memoria de los héroes patrios, como atestiguan numerosos artículos y ensayos recogidos en la prensa nacional.

    Otra influencia formadora y determinante en el pensamiento patriótico y revolucionario del joven Roa, lo fue José Martí, cuya obra leyó con fruición desde muy temprano, en la biblioteca de su tío Jorge Roa, en la vecina casa de Federico de Córdova, y durante su temprana mocedad, al punto de figurar entre aquellos que, como Julio A. Mella, develaron la hondura antiimperialista del ideario martiano, escamoteada por plumíferos bien avenidos y reaccionarios de siete suelas.

    Pronto, también, se sumergió en las obras fundamentales de Marx, Engels y Lenin, abrazando la causa del socialismo científico y el comunismo, valiéndose del materialismo histórico y dialéctico como instrumentos para el análisis de la problemática nacional y mundial –como revela ya en su “Carta abierta a Jorge Mañach” escrita a los 23 años.

    Su primer proceso político data de noviembre de 1925, en que suscribió un manifiesto titulado “El Monstruo asesina a Nicaragua”, con motivo de la intervención norteamericana en ese país y la heroica resistencia de Augusto César Sandino, el “General de hombres libres”.

    Desde sus comienzos, participó decididamente en las luchas del estudiantado contra la dictadura de Gerardo Machado. Con motivo de la huelga de hambre de Julio A. Mella, trabó relaciones con los grupos estudiantiles de izquierda e ingresó en la Liga Antiimperialista de las Américas (sección cubana). Fue, asimismo, profesor de Teorías Sociales en la Universidad Popular “José Martí”, fundada por Mella, cuyas clases se impartían en los locales de los sindicatos obreros. Junto con Rubén Martínez Villena, su director, figuró entre los iniciadores de la revista antiimperialista América Libre.

    Roa fue uno de los dirigentes del vigoroso movimiento nacional de protesta contra la reforma constitucional que condujo a la ilegal prórroga de poderes de Machado. La “jornada revolucionaria del 30 de septiembre de 1930” le tuvo entre sus principales organizadores, habiéndosele encomendado la redacción final del Manifiesto al Pueblo de Cuba lanzado ese mismo día por el Directorio Estudiantil Universitario (DEU) de 1930, del cual fue miembro fundador.

    Como resultado de discrepancias surgidas respecto de las concepciones y tácticas del Directorio, creó con Pablo de la Torriente Brau, Gabriel Barceló, Ladislao González Carbajal, Manuel Guillot y otros compañeros, el Ala Izquierda Estudiantil, que mantuvo la tesis, durante la lucha contra el machadato, de que era menester, para extirpar sus causas, enfrentarse y derrocar, conjuntamente, la dominación económica y política norteamericana: su verdadera raíz y principal sostén.

    Como muchos de sus compañeros de lucha, sufrió prisión en la Cabaña, el Príncipe, el Hospital Militar de Columbia, la cárcel de Nueva Gerona y el Presidio Modelo, de la Isla de Pinos (hoy de la Juventud), donde permaneció incomunicado un año y once meses. Al ser liberado, se incorporó al Comité Ejecutivo del Ala Izquierda Estudiantil, desde donde combatió la “Mediación” de Sumner Welles y participó en la organización y desarrollo de la huelga general que dio al traste con la dictadura de Machado.

    Fue el primer estudiante que entró en la Universidad de La Habana, tomando posesión de ella, el 12 de agosto de 1933. La propia mañana, desde la emisora de radio del Hotel Palace, denunció con Jorge Quintana el golpe de estado que fraguaron Welles y el ABC, y exhortó al pueblo a apoderarse del poder.

    El 4 de septiembre de 1933, estuvo en el Campamento de Columbia al producirse la sublevación de soldados y clases contra el gobierno de Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, que dio origen, primero a la Pentarquía, y luego al gobierno presidido por Ramón Grau San Martín, apoyado en el Directorio Estudiantil Universitario.

    Desde el periódico Ahora, enfrentó la nueva situación con un artículo que provocó el cierre y la ocupación de este: “Mongonato, efebocracia y mangoneo”. Como lo reconocería más tarde, Roa erraba el tiro, “por extremismo”, al atacar al “gobierno de los cien días” que, bajo la influencia decisiva de Tony Guiteras, adoptó medidas de beneficio popular y tuvo un carácter nacionalista y antiimperialista.

    Tras el fracaso de la huelga de marzo de 1935 contra la dictadura militar de Batista, Roa, que había participado en su organización, se vio forzado a abandonar el país con Pablo de la Torriente, radicándose en Nueva York, desde donde prosiguió la lucha, fundando, con Pablo, Alberto Saumell, Carlos Martínez Sánchez, Gustavo Aldereguía y otros, la Organización Revolucionaria Cubana Antimperialista (ORCA) y su vocero, el periódico Frente Único. Roa y Aldereguía, representaron a ORCA en la Conferencia de Frente Único efectuada en Miami en 1936, conjuntamente con los representantes del Partido Revolucionario Cubano (Auténtico), Joven Cuba, Partido Comunista de Cuba, Izquierda Revolucionaria y el APRA.

    En 1935, contrajo matrimonio por poder con  Ada Kourí Barreto, su compañera de luchas y esposa durante toda su vida, quien viajó a unirse con él en el exilio. En julio de 1936 nací yo, su único hijo: Ada había regresado a Cuba para el alumbramiento, a fin de que el vástago fuera “cubano por los cuatro costados”. Mi padre no me conocería hasta su retorno a la Isla, meses después.

    Ya en la patria, colaboró al inicio con el movimiento de unificación de las fuerzas comunistas, democráticas y antiimperialistas con vistas a organizar su participación en la Asamblea Constituyente de 1940. Mas, en desacuerdo con la solución de transacción que aquella Asamblea suponía, se mantuvo en una posición insurreccional, defendiendo sus posiciones en la revista Baraguá, dirigida por José A. Portuondo.

    Desde entonces, Roa fue –como él mismo se calificara- un francotirador de izquierda, sin unirse a partido alguno después de 1940. En 1938, había pertenecido al Comité Ejecutivo del Partido Socialista Agrario y, en 1939, al Comité Organizador de un Partido Democrático Revolucionario. En 1965, integró el primer Comité Central del Partido Comunista de Cuba, fundado por Fidel, y constituido por elementos provenientes del Movimiento 26 de Julio, el Directorio Revolucionario 13 de Marzo, el Partido Socialista Popular y, en menor medida, de la Organización Auténtica.

    Al producirse el golpe militar de Batista, el 10 de marzo de 1952, inmediatamente se dispuso a combatirlo con la pluma y la acción. Su posición en esa etapa fue siempre insurreccional: fundador de la Triple A, se retiró de esta en 1954, por discrepancias básicas, de principio, con su dirección durante su destierro en México, donde publicó el periódico “Patria” (con el mismo nombre martiano del primer periódico clandestino contra Batista, que editó antes en La Habana) y dirigió la revista Humanismo. Prestó su concurso, desde el primer momento, a Álvaro Barba, a la sazón presidente de la Federación Estudiantil universitaria (FEU) y, más tarde, al Directorio Revolucionario 13 de Marzo, en particular a José A. Echevarría, Juan Nuiry Sánchez, René Anillo, Faure Chomón Mediavilla y otros dirigentes de dicha organización, con los que mantuvo estrechos vínculos y en su carácter virtual de Maestro de aquella generación universitaria.

    Regresó a Cuba en 1955, después de la amnistía que liberó a Fidel Castro y sus compañeros del Moncada, manteniéndose distante de todos los movimientos políticos no insurrecionales, colaborando con el Directorio Revolucionario 13 de Marzo e incorporándose al Movimiento de Resistencia Cívica 26 de Julio, de cuyo Comité Ejecutivo de La Habana fue miembro hasta el derrocamiento de la dictadura en 1959.

    La revolución triunfante le nombró Embajador ante la OEA, en febrero de 1959 y, pocos meses después, en junio de ese año, fue designado titular del Ministerio de Estado. El 23 de diciembre, a propuesta de Roa, el Gobierno Revolucionario adoptaría una Ley denominándolo Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, en consonancia con sus nuevas funciones, derivadas de haber alcanzado Cuba su genuina independencia política y económica, y de la consiguiente adopción de una política exterior que respondía a los verdaderos intereses del país.

    Raúl Roa se mantuvo al frente del Ministerio hasta enero de 1976 en que, habiéndosele elegido diputado a la Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular, lo fue también a la Vicepresidencia de ésta y, posteriormente, al Consejo de Estado, al cual perteneció hasta su deceso. Durante aquellos diecisiete años al frente de la cancillería, le cupo a Roa ser el vocero de la Revolución en diversos foros internacionales, destacándose por la brillantez, sabiduría y eficacia con que interpretó el pensamiento revolucionario de Fidel, por la sugestión de importantes iniciativas, como la incorporación de Cuba en tanto que miembro pleno al Movimiento de Países No Alineados desde su fundación, y por su defensa intransigente de los principios y conquistas de nuestro pueblo, de la independencia y soberanía nacionales.

    Como Vicepresidente de la Asamblea Nacional, y Presidente en funciones durante varios períodos, Roa contribuyó a fortalecer nuestro sistema democrático, vertiendo toda su experiencia en la preparación de las sesiones del parlamento, contribuyendo al profundo debate de las cuestiones planteadas y participando en las reuniones de la Unión Interparlamentaria (UIP), organización a la cual ingresó la ANPP por gestión suya. En 1981, presidió con maestría y habilidad política características la reunión que la UIP celebró en nuestra capital.

    Durante el último año de su vida, trabajó arduamente en los proyectos de la Asamblea y, en particular, en sus relaciones con otros parlamentos. Dedicó serios esfuerzos a la organización y conducción de la Conferencia de la UIP en La Habana y a las sesiones de la ANPP. Por otra parte, le robaba horas al descanso para dar fin al libro sobre Rubén Martínez Villena, El fuego de la semilla en el surco, compromiso contraído consigo mismo y con Judith, hermana de aquél, en 1936, cuando escribió el prólogo (en realidad una valoración biográfica y literaria de Rubén) a La pupila insomne, del destacado poeta y revolucionario comunista.

    La enfermedad, que se reprodujo rápidamente, impidió la terminación del libro, que fue publicado póstumamente por la Editorial Letras Cubanas. Raúl Roa expiraba en La Habana, a los 75 años, el 6 de julio de 1982.

    El pueblo, que acudió masivamente al Aula Magna de la Universidad  de La Habana donde se velaron sus restos mortales, le hizo un “duelo de labores y esperanzas”, acompañándole, silencioso y reverente, hasta el Panteón de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias, en el que fue sepultado. Armando Hart, a la sazón Ministro de Cultura, despediría el duelo del revolucionario sin tacha.

    Dejó, amén de su vida ejemplar como intelectual revolucionario de subidos quilates, una obra fecunda como profesor, periodista y pensador.  El pueblo lo reconoció como “canciller de la dignidad”. Hoy, a treinticinco años de su deceso, Raúl Roa sigue en pie.

              Country by country – a new nuncio for the north        
    After almost six months, the Nordic countries are once again supplied with an official ambassador from the Holy See. This new Apostolic Nuncio is Archbishop Henryk Józef Nowacki, until today the Apostolic Nuncio to Nicaragua. Appointed today to Sweden and Iceland – Denmark, Norway and Finland will almost certainly follow in due course – 65-year-old Archbishop … Continue reading "Country by country – a new nuncio for the north"
              Terapias Alternativas na Nicarágua desde 2010 em pé de igualdade com a Medicina Oficial        

    Desde o ano de 2010 que o país  da Nicarágua incluiu em seu Sistema Público  todas as Terapias Alternativas ou naturais.
    Um país que  autoriza as terapias naturais a coexistirem em pé de igualdade com a medicina chamada Tradicional ou oficial é um evento sem precedentes.
    Essa iniciativa permitiu aos cidadãos conhecerem e experimentarem várias terapias como as constelações familiares, terapia floral  e Reiki.

    A iniciativa da Lei surgiu como resultado de um amplo movimento que teve apoio moral e técnico de parlamento e representantes indígenas, universidades, organizações e associações.
    De acordo com  a Lei foi creditado o nome de :

    Medicina Natural : Mais antiga forma de cura da humanidade e que forma tronco comum com a medicina tradicional.
    Terapias Complementares : Diferentes Técnicas e procedimentos com que se exerce a medicina Natural.
    Produtos Naturais: Expressões tangíveis da medicina natural (plantas, minerais, etc..) com fins curativos ou de reabilitação.

    Fonte: Revista Athanor el Mié - http://www.athanor.es/actualidad/terapias-nicaragua

              Quinua: un concurso para emprendedores        
    Miércoles, 26 de Febrero de 2014
    La quinua es uno de los cereales más nutritivos que existen. Tan sólo 100 gramos equivalen a tomar cuatro vasos de leche. Posee numerosos beneficios alimenticios, tanto por sus proteínas como por sus aminoácidos. La Organización Mundial de la Salud designó el 2013 como el Año Internacional de la Quinua.

    Dentro de este marco la Organización sobre Alimentos y Comida (FAO en sus iniciales en inglés), perteneciente a la ONU convoca un concurso internacional con el objetivo de motivar a los agricultores a que realicen innovaciones tecnológicas con la quinua, con el fin de aportar desarrollo tanto a la economía regional y local, así como en la calidad del cereal.

    La iniciativa fue realizada por el Gobierno de Bolivia, el principal productor mundial, pero cuenta con el apoyo de Argentina, Azerbaiyán, Ecuador, Georgia, Honduras, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Perú y Uruguay. Finalmente avalada y puesta en práctica por la ONU.

    El Concurso está abierto a todas las personas interesadas de la Comunidad Andina de Naciones. La participación puede ser individual o grupal. Las innovaciones pueden ser en cualquier área de la actividad productiva.

    Se deber presentar un expediente técnico en el que se desarrollen los puntos principales del proyecto (materiales, métodos, resultados experimentales). Las propuestas se pueden realizar hasta el primero de marzo. Los premiados, que se conocerán en abril, recibirán la apoyo económico para la realización del mismo. Email contacto: concursoquinuaperu@inia.gob.pe. (MAP)

    Fuente: http://www.lahora.com.ec/index.php/noticias/show/1101639168/-1/Quinua%3A_un_concurso_para_emprendedores.html#.Uw9BtON5Pis

              Paris Climate Accord        


    I spent hours last night and this morning sifting through news sources to try to understand our president's decision.

    I listened to his speech, his concern that the Paris Climate Accord would weaken/ handicap /undermine (yes, all those negative words) our sovereignty, economy, legal recourse, workers, and more. Only the US would be at a disadvantage and other countries would be laughing at us? Really? With just my limited knowledge that sounds extremely paranoid. Then, after some fact checking it just sounded purely ludicrous. What about the sovereignty, economy, legal recourse and workers of the now other 200 countries that are supporting the the agreement?

    President Trump says that he's ready to renegotiate...as if he holds all the cards in his hand ready to trump in the US's favour. While Macron very diplomatically assures the US of its respect and good will for future dealings, it's very clear that the other countries are agreed that there will be NO new deal. 

    In addition, my great state, California, New York and Washington are seriously resisting the president's decision and have formed a "US Climate Alliance" committed to the Accord. More than 61 mayors have stated that President Trump is wrong on the facts and the science and pledged to back the Accord, promising to meet commitments agreed to under the international accord, namely cutting carbon emissions in an effort to ward off the worst effects of global climate change. "We will intensify efforts to meet each of our cities’ current climate goals, push for new action to meet the 1.5 degrees Celsius target, and work together to create a 21st century clean energy economy," the group of mayors wrote.

    “The world cannot wait — and neither will we."

    Statements by President Trump with truthful counter: 
    1. "China will be allowed to build hundreds of additional coal plants. So, we can't build the plants, but they can, according to this agreement."
    False. Under the Paris agreement, each country publicly declares how much it will reduce greenhouse gas emissions and what it will do to get there. In fact, China has actually taken steps to stop building coal plants. China has cut its use of coal three years in a row.
    2. "Even if the Paris Agreement were implemented in full, with total compliance from all nations, it is estimated it would only produce a two-tenths of one degree -- think of that; this much -- Celsius reduction in global temperature by the year 2100. Tiny, tiny amount."
    Misleading. Tackling climate problems depends on taking a series of incremental steps to reduce carbon emissions. Pulling out of the Paris agreement would require even bigger future reductions.
    3. "At 1 percent growth, renewable sources of energy can meet some of our domestic demand. But at 3 or 4 percent growth, which I expect, we need all forms of available American energy, or our country will be at grave risk of brownouts and blackouts."
    False. Economic growth stems from population growth and improvements in productivity. Neither of these factors will drive 3 percent or 4 percent growth in the U.S, regardless.
    4. "India will be allowed to double its coal production by 2020. Think of it. India can double their coal production. We're supposed to get rid of ours."
    Rubbish. The Paris accord doesn’t even mention the word coal, nor does it do anything to put a global moratorium on coal. Each signatory sets its own goals and has to report on its progress. India has committed to reduce emissions 33 to 35 percent of 2005 levels by 2030.
    We have a president who will say anything. Anything.
    Know the facts. Spread the truth. I, for one, want to put more of the world's wealth toward clean, sustainable energy.

    For the moment we are in "good company" with only two other countries, Nicaragua and Syria. If you know anything about either you'll understand. But, the U.S.?
    I read later this morning and am finally seeing something that makes sense to me... corporate interests.
    We know who can make Trump rethink his disastrous decision to pull out of the Paris climate agreement: The 17 CEOs on Trump’s business advisory council. From IBM to Walmart, the CEOs that are on the council represent some of the most powerful corporations in the world. 
    Already, two CEOs -- Elon Musk of Tesla and Bob Iger of Disney -- have stepped down from the council in protest of Trump pulling the US from the climate agreement. 
    Tesla’s Elon Musk and Disney's Bob Iger have already stepped down from the advisory council in protest of Trump's catastrophic move. Now that Trump has made his announcement to abandon the deal that nearly every country in the world has signed onto, it’s time the other CEOs from massive multinational corporations like Walmart, PepsiCo, JPMorgan Chase, GM, GE, and Boeing follow Iger and Musks's lead.
    In defiance of Trump’s catastrophic decision, a group including 30 mayors, three governors, more than 100 businesses and more than 80 presidents of U.S. universities is planning to present a plan to the United Nations that would meet the greenhouse-gas emission targets under the Paris climate agreement.
    Let’s call on the remaining 15 CEOs on the council to take a stand for the future of our planet. Now is the opportunity to show their commitment to a safe and sustainable future and abandon Trump if he doesn’t back down.
    Sign here if interested.
    From SumofUs: SumOfUs is a global advocacy organization and online community that campaigns to hold big corporations accountable on issues such as climate change, workers’ rights, discrimination, human rights, animal rights, corruption, and corporate power grab.
    #climatechange #ParisAccord

    Then again, to be fair, there are still those arguing that Trump was right, such as Shapiro:
    5 Reasons Trump is Right to Pull out of the Paris Accord

    And, a well-respected friend and nuclear physicist wrote me saying this:
    Please check your statement that China has cut its coal usage. That doesn't square with any data I have. They have cut how fast they increase their coal usage but they are still using more coal every year than the previous year.
    Second, our state California, under governor Brown's leadership we are heading to shutting down all existing nuclear. San Onofre and Diablo Canyon produced more CO2 free electricity than all the solar and wind built in California for the last twenty years.
    The big impact on CO2 emissions is what the developing countries choose to generate their electricity - this is far more important than what the US uses. As things currently stand they will choose coal or gas. The thing the US could do that will have a big impact is to create a carbon free power source that can compete with coal and gas cost wise. If you don't have electricity coal generated electricity sounds pretty good. Developing countries will choose the cheapest electricity so the important thing is to invent a carbon free choice for them. That is what we are attempting to do.

    Photos while at the Organic Faire in Santander, Cantabria, Spain.
    #productosecologicos #vidasana #biocantabria #energiasrenovables #bioconstrucción #comerciojusto #consumoresponsable #alimentosecologicos

              Comment lentement mais sûrement, le Venezuela s'est enfoncé dans la crise économique        
    On m'a posé plusieurs fois cette question, j'ai décidé de tenter d'y répondre.

    Le Venezuela manque de tout, les supermarchés et les pharmacies sont vides.

    Comment en est-on arrivé là alors que le Venezuela est un important exportateur de pétrole?

    Justement, exportateur de pétrole, là est la clé: les prix du pétrole fluctuent et il est important de prévoir au moment où les prix du pétrole sont au plus haut la phase inévitable qui suivra.

    Il faut, quand l'argent afflue, mettre une partie des revenus en réserve, investir et diversifier l'économie pour réduire la dépendance future au pétrole. C'est le b.a. ba de la gestion économique d'un pays pétrolier.

    Cependant, les dirigeants du Venezuela, au moment où les prix du pétrole dépassaient les 100$, c'est à dire sous la présidence de Hugo Chávez, on fait exactement l'inverse. Ils ont gaspillé l'argent du pétrole en sa totalité. Une partie a été distribuée à la population du Venezuela ce qui a boosté les importations, la consommation et la popularité du grand leader. Une autre partie a servi à financer la dictature cubaine et des partis politiques dans divers pays, de l'Argentine à l'Espagne en passant par l'Équateur ou le Nicaragua.

    C'est ce que l'on a appelé la pétrodiplomatie, l'idée était d'arroser de pétrodollars des partis ou des pays étrangers en échange de faveurs diverses (votes à l'ONU, soutiens diplomatiques, etc...). Une autre partie de l'argent du pétrole a permis l'émergence de ce que l'on a appelé la bourgeoisie bolivarienne ou bolibourgeoisie. Les membres et proches du régime, se sont enrichis à des niveaux extrêmes et exhibent yachts, avions privés et villas en Floride.

    Donc, pendant cette période formidable où les milliards pleuvaient, les dirigeants chavistas ont non seulement oublié d'investir mais ils ont organisé la ruine du pays. Quand Chávez arrive au pouvoir, le Venezuela produit près de 4 millions de barils par jour, c'est alors le sixième producteur mondial. Aujourd'hui la production est passé sous les 2 millions de barils/j. La faute: le manque de maintenance et d'investissements dans les installations et les puits pétroliers.

    Ces incapables ont oublié d'alimenter la poule aux oeufs d'or...

    Le Venezuela dispose pourtant, paraît-il, des plus grandes réserves de pétrole au monde, davantage que l'Arabie Saoudite!

    Mais plus grave encore, trouvant insuffisants les fonds mirifiques dont ils disposaient, ils ont emprunté à tour de bras, dépensant par avance l'argent du pétrole que le pays pourrait recevoir par le futur. Et toujours pas d'investissements, pas même un barrage, un pont ou une autoroute.

    Et un jour, les prix du pétrole ont chuté. Comme prévu.

    Et le Venezuela, qui ne se nourrit que grâce aux importations et qui ne produit rien à part le pétrole, s'est retrouvé dans une situation économique catastrophique.

    Aujourd'hui, les dollars du pétrole ne suffisent plus à nourrir le pays, mais ils continuent pourtant de couler à flots vers la dictature cubaine et les comptes des dignitaires du régime.

    Les vénézuéliens se sont maintenant largement réveillés du mirage chavista et ont voté pour chasser les incapables corrompus qui les gouvernaient.

    En 2015, en dépit de la mainmise du chavisme sur les médias, de la répression brutale, de l'emprisonnement et la torture des opposants, ils se sont exprimés clairement et ont voté contre le gouvernement, portant au pouvoir une assemblée où l'opposition est très largement majoritaire.

    Depuis, la constitution n'a plus cours. Les décisions de l'assemblée sont ignorées par le pouvoir exécutif. Les élections régionales de 2016 ont été annulées et le processus de destitution présidentielle par référendum prévu par la constitution a été interrompu après avoir collecté des millions de signatures.

    Et le 30 juillet, la constitution a été suspendue de facto. Une assemblée constituante désignée dans une mascarade d'élection, anticonstitutionnelle et sans observateurs externes, chassera bientôt l'assemblée législative du parlement et s'installera dans l'hémicycle où sont censés délibérer les députés.

    Si la machine chavista continue sa course destructrice, la démocratie vénézuélienne, née en 1957, aura vécu.

    Je suis sincèrement désolé pour ceux qui, se disant de gauche, devront supporter la honte et culpabilité d'avoir soutenu et défendu Hugo Chávez, un militaire putschiste, vaguement repeint en rouge...


    At the airport, here to retrieve Dean from his Nicaraguan adventures, and a reprise of yesterday's artwork greets me! If you ever find yourself at Logan Airport in Boston with time to spare, it is worth it to explore the walkways that connect Terminal B to the other terminals -- all the most wonderful sea creatures in brilliant mosaics on the floors. If I ever win the lottery and can have custom floors in my home....

    (All this and a happy, healthy Dean bubbling over with stories to tell, with sadness that his adventure has ended and with thorough delight to be home home home.)

    A photo a day over at Chicken Blog, too.
              2014 World Cup: Foreign Born Players        
    Players in the final 2014 World Cup squads that were born outside of the country they are representing.



    Charles Itandje (France)
    Benoît Assou-Ekotto (France)
    Allan Nyom (France)
    Joël Matip (Germany)
    Maxim Choupo-Moting (Germany)

    Dejan Lovren (Bosnia-Herzegovina)
    Vedran Ćorluka (Bosnia-Herzegovina)
    Nikica Jelavić (Bosnia-Herzegovina)
    Ivan Rakitić (Switzerland)
    Mateo Kovačić (Austria)
    Sammir (Brazil)
    Eduardo (Brazil)

    Miguel Ángel Ponce (USA)
    Isaác Brizuela (USA)


    Dario Vidošić (Croatia)

    Miiko Albornoz (Sweden)
    Jorge Valdívia (Venezuela)

    Bruno Martins Indi (Portugal)
    Jonathan de Guzmán (Canada)

    Diego Costa (Brazil)



    Cote d'Ivoire
    Sol Bamba (France)
    Jean-Daniel Akpa-Akpro (France)
    Giovanni Sio (France)
    Mathis Bolly (Norway)

    Loukas Vyntra (Czech Republic)
    José Holebas (Germany)
    Panagiotis Kone (Albania)

    Gōtoku Sakai (USA)


    Costa Rica
    Óscar Duarte (Nicaragua)

    Raheem Sterling (Jamaica)

    Gabriel Paletta (Argentina)
    Thiago Motta (Brazil)

    Fernando Muslera (Argentina)



    Patrice Evra (Senegal)
    Rio Mavuba (Born at Sea; link)


    Valon Behrami (Kosovo)
    Xherdan Shaqiri (Kosovo)
    Blerim Džemaili (Macedonia)
    Admir Mehmedi (Macedonia)
    Gelson Fernandes (Cape Verde)
    Johan Djourou (Cote d'Ivoire)


    Gonzalo Higuaín (France)

    Bosnia and Herzegovina
    Emir Spahić (Croatia)
    Mensur Mujdža (Croatia)
    Sead Kolašinac (Germany)
    Zvjezdan Misimović (Germany)
    Muhamed Bešić (Germany)
    Izet Hajrović (Switzerland)

    Daniel Davari (Germany)
    Steven Beitashour (USA)

    Peter Odemwingie (Uzbekistan)


    Miroslav Klose (Poland)
    Lukas Podolski (Poland)

    Adam Kwarasey (Norway)
    Kevin-Prince Boateng (Germany)
    André Ayew (France)
    Jordan Ayew (France)
    Albert Adomah (England)

    Pepe (Brazil)
    Nani (Cape Verde)
    William Carvalho (Angola)
    Éder (Guinea-Bissau)

    United States
    Fabian Johnson (Germany)
    Timothy Chandler (Germany)
    John Brooks (Germany)
    Jermaine Jones (Germany)
    Mix Diskerud (Norway)


    Raïs M'Bolhi (France)
    Cédric Si Mohamed (France)
    Carl Medjani (France)
    Liassine Cadamuro-Bentaïba (France)
    Faouzi Ghoulam (France)
    Aïssa Mandi (France)
    Medhi Lacen (France)
    Hassan Yebda (France)
    Mehdi Mostefa (France)
    Sofiane Feghouli (France)
    Saphir Taïder (France)
    Yacine Brahimi (France)
    Nabil Bentaleb (France)
    Riyad Mahrez (France)
    Nabil Ghilas (France)

    Anthony Vanden Borre (DR Congo)


    South Korea

              2014 World Cup: Foreign-Born Players        
    Players in the provisional 2014 World Cup squads that were born outside of the country they are representing.



    Charles Itandje (France)
    Benoît Assou-Ekotto (France)
    Allan Nyom (France)
    Jean-Armel Kana-Biyik (France)
    Raoul Loé (France)
    Joël Matip (Germany)
    Maxim Choupo-Moting (Germany)

    Dejan Lovren (Bosnia-Herzegovina)
    Vedran Ćorluka (Bosnia-Herzegovina)
    Nikica Jelavić (Bosnia-Herzegovina)
    Ivan Rakitić (Switzerland)
    Mateo Kovačić (Austria)
    Sammir (Brazil)
    Eduardo (Brazil)
    Mario Pašalić (Germany)

    Miguel Ángel Ponce (USA)
    Isaác Brizuela (USA)


    Dario Vidošić (Croatia)

    Marcos González (Brazil)
    Miiko Albornoz (Sweden)
    Jorge Valdívia (Venezuela)
    Pablo Hernández (Argentina)

    Bruno Martins Indi (Portugal)
    Jonathan de Guzmán (Canada)

    Diego Costa (Brazil)



    Cote d'Ivoire
    Sol Bamba (France)
    Jean-Daniel Akpa-Akpro (France)
    Giovanni Sio (France)
    Mathis Bolly (Norway)

    Loukas Vyntra (Czech Republic)
    José Holebas (Germany)
    Panagiotis Kone (Albania)

    Gōtoku Sakai (USA)


    Costa Rica
    Óscar Duarte (Nicaragua)

    Raheem Sterling (Jamaica)

    Gabriel Paletta (Argentina)
    Thiago Motta (Brazil)
    Rômulo (Brazil)
    Giuseppe Rossi (USA)

    Fernando Muslera (Argentina)



    Patrice Evra (Senegal)
    Rio Mavuba (Born at Sea; link)


    Valon Behrami (Kosovo)
    Xherdan Shaqiri (Kosovo)
    Blerim Džemaili (Macedonia)
    Admir Mehmedi (Macedonia)
    Gelson Fernandes (Cape Verde)
    Johan Djourou (Cote d'Ivoire)


    Gonzalo Higuaín (France)

    Bosnia and Herzegovina
    Emir Spahić (Croatia)
    Mensur Mujdža (Croatia)
    Sead Kolašinac (Germany)
    Zvjezdan Misimović (Germany)
    Muhamed Bešić (Germany)
    Izet Hajrović (Switzerland)

    Daniel Davari (Germany)
    Steven Beitashour (USA)

    Peter Odemwingie (Uzbekistan)


    Miroslav Klose (Poland)
    Lukas Podolski (Poland)

    Adam Kwarasey (Norway)
    Jeff Schlupp (Germany)
    Kevin-Prince Boateng (Germany)
    André Ayew (France)
    Jordan Ayew (France)
    Albert Adomah (England)

    Pepe (Brazil)
    Nani (Cape Verde)
    William Carvalho (Angola)
    Éder (Guinea-Bissau)

    United States
    Fabian Johnson (Germany)
    Timothy Chandler (Germany)
    John Brooks (Germany)
    Jermaine Jones (Germany)
    Terrence Boyd (Germany)
    Mix Diskerud (Norway)


    Raïs M'Bolhi (France)
    Cédric Si Mohamed (France)
    Carl Medjani (France)
    Liassine Cadamuro-Bentaïba (France)
    Faouzi Ghoulam (France)
    Aïssa Mandi (France)
    Medhi Lacen (France)
    Adlène Guedioura (France)
    Hassan Yebda (France)
    Foued Kadir (France)
    Mehdi Mostefa (France)
    Sofiane Feghouli (France)
    Ryad Boudebouz (France)
    Saphir Taïder (France)
    Yacine Brahimi (France)
    Nabil Bentaleb (France)
    Amir Karaoui (France)
    Riyad Mahrez (France)
    Rafik Djebbour (France)
    Nabil Ghilas (France)

    Anthony Vanden Borre (DR Congo)


    South Korea

              Comentario en Cómo comenzar a indexar en línea por Javier Tobon        
    Maria Elisa, Aún no hay para Chile. en el momento solamente Argentina, Nicaragua y Venezuela, pero gradualmente se irá extendiendo a todos los países y a todos los proyectos.
              Sandinista landslide in Nicaragua elections        

    Nicaraguans lined up last weekend to cast their ballot in the nation’s first presidential election since the Supreme Court abolished term limits in 2009. The Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), which in 1979 led a revolution that toppled the U.S.-backed Somoza dictatorship, won a landslide victory in the largest nation in Central America. The Supreme […]
              Forest City’s new Rotary Club president promises engaging meetings, fun activities        
    Meet Nancy Olson, the new president of the Forest City Rotary Club, whose main aim as the leader is to have fun.

    “When I joined Rotary, I was pleased to see that the club enjoyed having a good time together.  One of my top priorities as Rotary president is to continue the tradition of having interesting, purposeful and fun Rotary meetings.” said Olson who is also the director of institutional relations for the Waldorf Lutheran College Foundation. “I want fellow Rotarians to be eager to attend meetings and make it a priority in their schedules.”

    Sworn in early July, Olson has prepared to be the president since she joined the club in 2007, and has been in various leadership roles since then. She started as the program director-elect, became the program director and recently was the vice president-elect.

    In March this year, she attended a conference for presidents-elect of Rotary Clubs from throughout the state of Iowa and heard interesting stories about previous presidents who made their meetings engaging for the members. Inspired by the conference, Olson started prepping for her new role immediately. Since the beginning of July, she has already introduced and implemented several new ideas for the club that will make the experience more exciting for the members.

    Walk into Olson’s office and a three-foot-tall trophy sits on her credenza.  The trophy’s been named the “Class Act Award” which stands for Community Leaders Acting with Selfless Service—All Collaborating Together.  Each week, one Rotarian will have an opportunity to place a single item on the trophy that symbolizes one way in which he or she has performed a service or impacted another life in the community. Olson was the first one to initiate the new tradition by placing the ace of diamonds (a playing card) that signified her association with a card club that has performed countless acts of service together.

    “By the end of the year, there will be 53 items on the trophy,” said Olson, pointing out the number of members in the club. “I put a card, somebody else might add a garden seed, a pack of coffee or tea, or a golf tee.  The possibilities are endless, and it will be fun to see what new items are added.” she said.
    Olson’s idea behind the trophy was to bring out the creativity in every Rotarian and also give each member the opportunity to choose the next week’s recipient. The reason for receiving the award could be almost anything.

    A resident of Forest City for 34 years, Olson wants other Forest City residents to learn more about Rotary.  She has created “elevator speech” cards that list Rotary International facts on one side and the purpose of the local club on the other. Next on her agenda is starting an award program that recognizes a member’s years of service as a Rotarian. “Currently we recognize a member’s attendance for which they get a certificate. In addition to that, it would be really meaningful to give out awards for the different years of service.  One of our members has been a Rotarian for 51 years and several others for over 35 years.  Now that deserves recognition!” she said.

    In the months to come, the new president also plans to update the current club handbook, ask members to learn the four-way test, and brainstorm new fundraising ideas. At present, the club is working toward collecting items such as clothing, hygiene items, pens, pencils, notebooks, games and toys to put in at least 40 shoeboxes that will be sent to Nicaragua in Central America.

    “My hope and prayer is that as we Rotarians perform selfless acts of service, lives will be transformed in the process,” said Olson. “Imagine the impact we can make as we provide clean water to people in third world countries, help eradicate polio in the entire world or supply food to the local food bank.”
    The group meets at noon every Tuesday in the beautifully restored ballroom in historic Salveson Hall on the Waldorf campus and enjoys a wonderful lunch catered by Brian Keely, the director of campus dining at Waldorf.

    If you are interested in joining the Rotary Club, please contact Nancy Olson at (641) 585-8147 or olsonn@waldorf.edu

              Comment on India Reinartz – Duck Dive Diva by India Reinartz – Surf Fitness Tips | Ola Niña - we love the ocean        
    […] resident surfer babe from Nicaragua (India Reinartz) shares some of her key tips to staying surf fit and […]
              Comment on India Reinartz – Duck Dive Diva by Papaya Wellness Yoga and Surf Retreats Nicaragua | Mid Summers Dream Updates From Near and Far        
    […] We have been working on creating relationships with other like minded people doing radical things worldwide.. This is how we met Carmen with Ola Nina! Check out her online magazine and blog. Carmen is a dancer, artist, free thinker, and she speaks her mind! We love that! Check out what Ola Nina had to say after sitting down with India over coffee here…. […]
              Comment on Surfing In Nicaragua by Ola Niña        
    That's fantastic! Let us know if you need any other tips. :)
              Comment on Surfing In Nicaragua by sardinetaco        
    We are eventually headed this way, This all sounds awesome!
              El Amanecer - The Dawn        
    Riled ThumbNail


    El Amanecer - The Dawn Nicaragua Mission Video

    Duration: 00:30:21 / Uploaded: 2010-11-30 15:48:01

              The Leaky Myths of Snowden        

    Oliver Stone’s Snowden is a bad movie, stuffed with myth, short on drama. Stone has always been a tendentious writer but he was once a terrific director. JFK ranks among the most exasperating movies of all time for portraying Jim Garrison, one of the battier Kennedy-assassination conspiracy-mongers, as a truth-telling hero. But it was still rollicking, spooky fun—so crazy entertaining, I could almost excuse its crazy script. In Snowden, Stone has another self-styled hero on his hands, but this time he dispenses with the high-flying style and instead spends two hours shrouding his protagonist with the aura of a holy martyr.

    The story, as Stone tells it, matches the portrait put forth by Edward Snowden, his lawyers, and his celebrators for some time: A patriotic young man goes to work for the CIA, then the NSA. Gradually disillusioned by what he sees, he smuggles out thousands of documents that reveal the NSA’s vast scale of domestic surveillance. He flees to Hong Kong, where he gives the material to a pair of trusted, rebellious reporters, so the American people will know what’s being done in their name at the price of their liberty.

    If that’s all there were to this tale, I would chime in with those who have called on President Obama to pardon Snowden, or at least reduce his sentence, for (as the New York Times editorialized in early 2014) the “great service” he has done his country. But, as I’ve noted in a couple of columns, that’s not all there is, and Stone’s (and the Times editorial’s) omissions go far beyond dramatic license to distort, even falsify, the picture.

    The fact is, many of Snowden’s documents bore no resemblance to whistleblowing as the phrase is broadly understood. Judging from Snowden-inspired stories in the Washington Post and the Guardian, they revealed details about the NSA’s interception of email and cellphone calls by the Taliban in Pakistan’s northwest territories; an operation to gauge the loyalties of CIA recruits in Pakistan; intelligence assessments inside Iran; and NSA surveillance of cellphone calls “worldwide,” an effort that (in the Post’s words) “allows it to look for unknown associates of known intelligence targets by tracking people whose movements intersect.” In his first interview with the South China Morning Post, Snowden revealed that the NSA routinely hacks into hundreds of computers in China and Hong Kong. None of this is noted in Stone’s film.

    Whatever one’s views of U.S. foreign policy in those parts of the world, these activities are legitimate aspects of the NSA’s charter, which involves intercepting communications of foreign powers. They have nothing to do with domestic surveillance or spying on allies. Exposing these intercepts is not whistleblowing: It’s an attempt to blow U.S. intelligence operations. And while Snowden has since acknowledged that other countries do this sort of thing too, not least China and his host at the moment, Russia, he never leaked documents revealing their hacking programs even though, in his job at the NSA, he would have had access to reports (and possibly raw data) about them as well.

    Which leads to another question that the film fudges: Just what was Snowden’s job when he made his big decision, and how did he get there? The film contends that Snowden was a fast riser at the CIA’s outpost in Geneva, brilliant at computer analysis; that he quit the CIA in a fit of moral outrage after witnessing a fellow agent wreck a source’s life in order to recruit him; that, as an NSA contractor, he designed a data backup program called EpicShelter, which others used to identify drone targets by locating their cellphones; that, as a result of this breakthrough, the deputy director of the NSA sent him to counter Chinese cyberattacks at the agency’s facility in Hawaii.

    Let’s go over the facts. Snowden was recognized as a very talented computer technician early on, but officials have told me that he didn’t quit the CIA; he was fired. One source says that Snowden and the agency “weren’t a good fit” (which could be consistent with the film’s story). Another says he was caught doing what he later did in Hawaii—prowling around files where he had no business prowling. Some officials in NSA are still upset with CIA executives for not recording this infraction on his employment record; had they done so, the NSA might not have hired him.

    Snowden then went to Hawaii as an NSA contractor hired by Dell. For one-and-a-half years, he worked there as a systems administrator—basically a Mr. Fix-It for their computer networks. He had access to lots of files, but he wouldn’t have had any role in developing something like EpicShelter (which wasn’t invented by Dell in any case, though the contractor did use that program).

    Word got around that Dell wasn’t fully using Snowden’s abilities, so Booz Allen Hamilton, another contractor at the NSA’s Hawaii facility, hired him as a high-level analyst. The film claims that the deputy director of the NSA (who is given a fictitious name in the movie) was so impressed by Snowden’s acumen that he sent him to this job. I emailed Chris Inglis, the man who really was the deputy director at the time. Here is what he wrote back about the claim, emphasizing that I could quote him on the record (“in all caps, if you’d like”):

    The claim is simply and utterly preposterous—both the claim that a Deputy Director would assign such a task to a low-level contractor (that just does not happen for many many reasons) and the idea that Snowden was working on some special project, separate and apart from his contracted duties to perform system administration and SharePoint server updates. If you want to know the ins and outs of a fighter aircraft squadron’s purposes, tactics and SOPs, you don’t get that from a contractor hired to refuel its airplanes.

    Steven Bay, who supervised the Booz Allen contract, recently recalled in GeekWire that Snowden was hired through the usual process of an interview.

    Now you may say that Bay and Inglis are lying; they’re part of the establishment after all, even if they’ve both since retired. I’ve never met Bay, but I can say (as can many other journalists who’ve covered this field) that Inglis was one of the straighter shooters among senior intelligence officials—to which you might dismiss me as a tool or a dupe. That’s your right, but it really doesn’t make sense that a deputy director—the official running the NSA on a day-to-day basis—would have come into contact with a “low-level contractor” (which is what Snowden was during his first job in Hawaii). The agency had plenty of full-time employees that Inglis could have deployed (and did).

    In any case, Snowden spent less than two months with Booz Allen before fleeing to Hong Kong. (Thus one bit of dialogue in the film—his supervisor praising him for shutting down 200 Chinese hacking sites in six months—couldn’t be true.) And Snowden later said in his South China Morning Post interview that he applied for the Booz Allen position because he knew it would give him “access to lists of machines all over the world [that] the NSA hacked”—in other words, the sorts of lists that he downloaded and leaked.

    This much is definitely known: He was hired by Booz Allen on April 1, 2013, spent some amount of time getting trained back in Maryland, near the NSA’s Fort Meade headquarters, before returning to Hawaii. He flew to Hong Kong on May 20 after telling his bosses that he needed to undergo tests for epilepsy, and on May 21 checked in at the Mira Hotel in Hong Kong, where he later gave the documents to reporters Laura Poitras and Glenn Greenwald.* In other words, he stayed at this analytical post at the NSA just long enough to download the goods that he’d taken the job to get.

    One more thing that the film doesn’t mention: While he was still a Dell contractor, Snowden applied for a job with the NSA’s Tailored Access Operations office. TAO is where the agency’s super-elite hackers work. He failed the exam (no shame in that; it’s a famously brutal test). Then he took it again and passed. TAO offered him a job, but he turned it down after learning that first-year TAO officials make a lot less money than contractors. After Snowden fled and NSA security officials conducted forensics analysis of his computer to see what he’d downloaded, they discovered that, using his privileges as a systems administrator, he had stolen the questions and answers for the TAO exam; that’s why he aced the test the second time. (One positive side of this story: It suggests that Snowden was not a foreign spy, which I’ve never believed he was, in any case. If he had been, his masters would have compensated him handsomely for nabbing a job at TAO, which would have given him access to the crown jewels.)

    Another story omitted from the movie: According to Mark Hosenball and Warren Strobel of Reuters (and as later confirmed in an NSA memo supplied to Congress), Snowden gained access to some of the documents he took by persuading 20 to 25 of his colleagues to give him their logins and passwords, saying he needed the information to check on some technical problems. Most of these officials were subsequently fired for their careless trust.

    Finally, how did Snowden wind up in Russia? His story all along has been that he planned to fly from Hong Kong to Moscow, then make a connecting flight to Havana and, from there, travel to Ecuador for asylum—but upon arrival at his first stop, the U.S. State Department revoked his passport, leaving him stranded at Sheremetyevo Airport for a month until the Russian government granted him a visa. (One new twist in the movie is that, after Snowden blew his own cover and left the Hong Kong hotel, he hid out in shantytown apartments rented by refugees who were clients of his lawyer. This is confirmed in a recent, detailed story in the National Post.)

    But there are gaps in this tale. First, look at a globe of the Earth: If you want to fly from Hong Kong to Central America, there are far more efficient routes than going through Moscow. Second, WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange told the Guardian in 2015 that he’d urged Snowden to go no farther than Russia, where he could best be protected from CIA agents. (It is interesting, in this regard, that Snowden’s flight was arranged by WikiLeaks and that he was accompanied on the plane by WikiLeaks editor Sarah Harrison.) Third, the suspension of his U.S. passport is irrelevant; if the Russians wanted Snowden to leave, they could have issued him a temporary visa, allowing him access to a plane out of the country—and customs officers in Havana could have granted him an entry visa upon his arrival. Fourth, Snowden stayed on in Hong Kong for 12 days after leaving his hotel. Not long after his arrival in Moscow, the Russian newspaper Kommersant, quoting unnamed foreign ministry officials, reported that Snowden had spent three of those days in Russia’s Hong Kong consulate.

    As I said, I do not believe Snowden was a Russian spy when he did his deeds, but I do think it’s possible he was exploited by spies. And it’s certainly the case that he’s now at the mercy of Russian intelligence, or perhaps Vladimir Putin himself, who could cancel or refuse to renew his visa at a moment’s notice. Snowden would have nowhere else to go but home (where the FBI would arrest him upon landing), as President Obama has pressured every other country on the planet to reject appeals for his asylum. Snowden began his stay in Moscow with an appalling paean to the nations that had offered him support. “These nations, including Russia, Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Ecuador, have my gratitude and respect,” he proclaimed, “for being the first to stand against human rights violations carried out by the powerful.”

    He has since criticized the Russian government for spying on its own people—increasingly in recent months. He might be brave for doing this; he also might have thought through the implications of his actions three years ago. (His lawyer in the U.S., Ben Wizner of the American Civil Liberties Union, once told me that the FSB, Russia’s intelligence agency, leaves Snowden alone. This is extremely unlikely. If a Russian or Chinese Snowden took refuge in the United States, the FBI and NSA would be following his every move and keystroke; unless you believe the FSB is a more laissez-faire organization, the same is undoubtedly true of Snowden himself in Moscow.)

    Stone’s film ends with some wordless shots of Snowden in Moscow (reportedly outside the dacha of his Russian lawyer). He seems happy. He also comes off as charming, intelligent, and good-natured in the many live, streamed interviews he’s conducted to American audiences—including one beamed to a New York movie theater after a screening on Sept. 14, which I attended. (He was asked questions by New York magazine’s Matt Zoller Seitz, whose TV criticism I admire, but this interview was a game of softball. It began, “How’s the weather in Moscow?” and the pitches got slower from there.)

    But I suspect that, unless Putin or some successor cuts him off, Snowden will spend the rest of his days in Moscow. He has said he’d come home if he could get a “fair trial,” by which he means a trial that takes into account his action’s social benefits. This is unlikely to happen. First, while some of his leaks did have social and political benefits, quite a bit of what he did had no such effect. On Sept. 15, every member of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence signed a letter to President Obama urging him not to pardon Snowden, attaching the executive summary of a 36-page classified report, concluding that he “caused tremendous damage to national security” and that “the vast majority of the documents he stole have nothing to do with programs impacting individual privacy interests” but rather “pertain to military, defense, and intelligence programs of great interest to America’s adversaries.”

    Yes, it’s likely that the report was timed to coincide with the release of the movie, which Wizner, Snowden’s ACLU lawyer, has said he hopes might transform public perceptions of his client and help build a case for his clemency. But that doesn’t necessarily mean the report’s conclusions are false. Second, any president (even, I suspect, one more leftish than Obama) would have to consider the effect on morale inside the intelligence agencies if an NSA contractor who’d pilfered tens of thousands of documents, fled the country, provided them to reporters without any editing, then flew off to Moscow and lived there for a few years—if this person were pardoned or given clemency because a few dozen of these documents sired a healthy debate about NSA activities and some modest but useful reforms.

    Oliver Stone’s movie entertains no such notions, nor does it dabble in the slightest ambiguities about his hero’s nobility or the intelligence agencies’ evil. What about the movie as movie? It lacks the zest of JFK or Nixon (much less Born on the Fourth of July or Natural Born Killers). Half of the plot is a love story, about Snowden and his girlfriend Lindsay Mills (who now lives with him in Moscow), which might be fine, but the situations and dialogue are clichéd, and the two actors (Joseph Gordon-Levitt, who plays his part very convincingly and charmingly, and Shailene Woodley, who doesn’t) have no chemistry. The scenes at the CIA and NSA manage at once to be overblown and undramatic. It’s a bore.

    The film is structured around Snowden’s meeting with Poitras and Greenwald in his hotel room in Hong Kong. This was covered in Poitras’ Oscar-winning documentary Citizenfour, which, despite my qualms about its substance, is a much better, more suspenseful, even riveting film. That’s the one to watch. This one’s a fairy tale poorly told.

    Correction, March 30, 2017: This sentence has been corrected to reflect recent reporting from Glenn Greenwald at the Intercept confirming that Snowden checked into his Hong Kong hotel on May 21, 2013, not June 1 as had been previously reported. (Return.)

              World Heritage Committee Inscribes 61 New Sites on World Heritage List        
    Cairns - UNESCO's World Heritage Committee, meeting since November 27 in Cairns, Australia, has inscribed 61 new cultural and natural sites on the World Heritage. The List now has 690 sites of "exceptional universal value" in 122 countries. Sites in Azerbaijan, Malaysia, Nicaragua and Suriname are on the List for the first time. Ten of the new sites are properties inscribed for natural values, 50 are inscribed for cultural values, and one site exhibits mixed cultural and natural ...
              15 of the Best Responses to Trump Withdrawing from the Paris Agreement on Climate Change        

    iStock/SeppFriedhuber President Donald Trump’s announcement earlier this week his plans to withdraw from the Paris Climate Change Agreement, joining only Syria and Nicaragua in doing so. There’s not much we can say that hasn’t been said already about it, so we’ve collected some of our favorite responses thus far. We are committed to supporting the…

    The post 15 of the Best Responses to Trump Withdrawing from the Paris Agreement on Climate Change appeared first on EcoSalon.

              Comparto mi vida y experiencias, ¡si estás interesado!        
    Hoy me gustaría compartir con vosotros unas ideas sobre «cómo llevar un modo de vida sencillo», basado en unas ideas del Venerable Samdong Rinpoche, que fue primer ministro del gobierno del Tibet en el exilio.
    No solamente siendo un ser humano, sino todos los seres que biológicamente han nacido con un cuerpo y una mente, por su propia naturaleza tienen unas necesidades para sostener el cuerpo y desarrollar la mente, pero esa misma naturaleza no se las concede. La naturaleza te propone el que tú actúes con esfuerzo y, si trabajas voluntariamente y por medio de tu cuerpo físico puedes conseguir todas tus necesidades sin depender de grandes máquinas ni de grandes industrias. Tu cuerpo y tu mente pueden mantenerte con facilidad, pero para eso debes aceptar dos condiciones o requisitos previos.
    El primero, saber distinguir entre las necesidades que se originan en la codicia. Qué es la necesidad y qué es la codicia.
    El segundo, tener la determinación entusiástica de lograr tus necesidades y mantenerse satisfecho con lo que se obtiene, sin convertirse en esclavo de la codicia.
    Así que el verdadero significado de "bienestar económico" se refiere a aquello que te sostiene físicamente, a lo que te da una satisfacción interior y una paz mental.
    Estos son los valores objetivos de nuestra naturaleza y son fáciles de conseguir a través de tus propias fuerzas y a través de sentir satisfacción.
    Por supuesto, el modo de vivir en un entorno familiar y en comunidades donde se ayudan unos a otros es muy ventajoso, porque debido a nuestra naturaleza estamos envejeciendo continuamente, así que a partir de los setenta u ochenta años o más ya no se puede sostener uno mismo suficientemente, sino dependiendo de otros.
    El mejor modo de vivir es con pocos deseos y con satisfacción; sin éstos sentirás carencia siempre. Por ejemplo, siendo una persona tienes un cuerpo, con este cuerpo tienes dos piernas, para las dos piernas necesitas un par de zapatos, si no te sientes satisfecho, entonces, te razonarás a ti mismo y compararas con los de mas psicológicamente: «cuando juego tenis me hace falta otro par, cuando voy al trabajo necesito otros, y también cuando vaya a una fiesta me hacen falta otros…». Podemos estar toda la vida comprando zapatos y llenando estanterías y, aun así, pensar que no es suficiente y no sentirnos satisfechos.
    Cuando observamos a los grandes empresarios, éstos aparentemente son multimillonarios, aunque -en realidad- tienen muchas carencias: carecen de empleados, de mercados, de tiempo, carecen de mercancías, etc. Sin embargo, las verdaderas riquezas no están fuera, están en el interior.
    Aparentemente, como Gran Milarepa y el rey del dharma Lama Tsongkapa no posean ninguna posesión; sin embargo, eran las personas más satisfechas del mundo. Debemos vivir con auto disciplina, ser auto suficientes y tener auto control; para que podamos vivir esta forma debemos adiestrarnos en ética, concentración y sabiduría. Además debemos superar el ego y según:
    "Si practicamos estos métodos, pronto venceremos a nuestros verdaderos enemigos: el interés egoísta y el egocentrismo. Si practicamos estos métodos venceremos también a los falsos conceptos del ego que mantenemos como reales. Así, con la unión de la meditación en la ausencia del ego, y en la sabiduría no dual de la vacuidad y de la bienaventuranza, ¿cómo no se van a lograr las causas para alcanzar un cuerpo físico de un buda y su fruto, la budeidad?"
    ¡Lama Tsongkapa kyenno!

    El programa trimestrales: 2012:

    Enero 2012

    16/ 8.30 pm Ganden Choeling. SFDO
    17/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    18/ 4.00 pm Ganden Choeling. Huelva
    23/ 8.30 pm Ganden Choeling. SFDO
    24/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    25/ 6.00 pm Ganden Choeling. Malaga
    27/ 28/ 29 Chakrasamvara. Sevilla y Tamding Choeling (Curso mensuales)
    30/ 8.30 pm Ganden Choeling. SFDO
    31/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla

    Febrero 2012
    01/ 4.00 pm Ganden Choeling. Huelva
    3/4/5/. Ganden Choeling. SFDO
    6/ Cadiz
    7/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    8/ 6.00 pm Ganden Choeling. Malaga
    10/11/12/ Ganden Choeling. Jaen
    13/ 8.30 pm Ganden Choeling. SFDO
    14/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    15/ 4.00 pm Ganden Choeling. Huelva
    17/18/19/ Ganden Choeling. Malaga
    20/ 8.30 pm Ganden Choeling. SFDO
    21/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    24/25/26/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    27/ 8.30 pm Ganden Choeling. SFDO
    28/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    29/ 4.00 pm Ganden Choeling. Huelva

    2/ 3/4/ Madrid
    5/ 8.30 pm Ganden Choeling. SFDO
    6/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    7/ 6.00 pm Ganden Choeling. Malaga
    8/9/10/11/12/ Shantideva. Novelda
    13/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    14/ 4.00 pm Ganden Choeling. Huelva
    16/17/18/ Gueshe Tenzinla visita a Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    19/ 8.30 pm Ganden Choeling. SFDO
    20/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    21/ 6.00 pm Ganden Choeling. Malaga
    23/24/25/ Shedrub Choeling. Gandia
    De 26 de Marzo hasta 15 de Abril. Sexto curso de diez año. Chusup Tsang. Ventoselo, Orense

    Abril. 201216/ 8.30 pm Ganden Choeling. SFDO
    17/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    18/ 4.00 pm Ganden Choeling. Huelva
    20/21/22/ Chakrasamvara Sevilla. Tamding Choeling. Sevilla
    23/ 8.30 pm Ganden Choeling. SFDO
    24/ 8.00 pm Chakrasamvara. Sevilla
    25/ 6.00 pm Ganden Choeling. Malaga

    Junio 2012
    De 5 hasta 17 de junio en Nicaragua, Centro América y Sudamérica.
    De 18 hasta 25 en Florida (Miami) EE.UU.
              [Veille Pays] Mobile Banking, Nicaragua, Honduras et microcrédit au Philippine        
    Trois (très) bons retours de nos partenaires terrains qui nous donnent le sourire en ce 3 juillet : aide de la Banque Mondiale au Nicaragua et au Honduras, des prêts en hausse aux Philippines et le Mobile Banking arrive en Tunisie. Vague positive au Nicaragua et au Honduras C’est sur une vague de positif que surfent nos micro-entrepreneurs nicaraguayens et honduriens cette semaine ! En effet, la Banque mondiale a versé aux deux pays pas moins de 24 millions de dollars afin de faire face efficacement aux catastrophes naturelles. Ce prêt permettra notamment de réduire les pertes annuelles liées à ces phénomènes, qui sont estimées à 1,8% du PIB nicaraguayen et 2,8% au hondurien entre 1990 et 2012. Le montant des prêts moyen en hausse aux Philippines Autre bonne nouvelle aux Philippines ! Une étude de la Banque centrale révèle que le montant moyen des prêts s’élève à 8 000 pesos, contre 6 150 pesos en 2006. Voilà qui devrait simplifier (un peu) la vie de nos micro-entrepreneurs, surtout lorsqu’on ajoute à cela une augmentation de plus de 100% des prêts octroyés en seulement sept ans. Le Mobile Banking arrive en Tunisie Enfin, l’organisation internationale Enda lance le Mobile Banking dans les zones rurales, soit […]
              Séjour au Nicaragua avec Microcrédit en 4L        
    Nous continuons notre voyage par procuration à travers les yeux et les récits de Nicolas et Matthieu, qui font le tour du monde à bord de leur 4L pour soutenir le microcrédit. Après l’Asie, c’est au continent américain qu’ils se sont attaqué depuis janvier et le premier pays Babyloan qu’ils traversent est le Nicaragua. Nous les avons mis en contact avec notre partenaire local, Afodenic, qui travaille dans la capitale Managua, et ils ont pu rencontrer une dizaine de micro-entrepreneurs qu’ils ont soutenus sur la plateforme, ainsi que quelques uns de nos coordinateurs sur le terrain. Voici un court résumé de leurs rencontres, photos à l’appui ! À chaque rencontre, les deux étudiants ont été reçus très chaleureusement et les micro-entrepreneurs montraient non sans fierté leurs échoppes, restaurants, ateliers, cuisines ambulantes… Ainsi, ils ont découvert l’activité d’un cordonnier, d’une fabricante de tortilla ou encore d’une tenancière de petite épicerie. Etant tous deux hispanophones, c’est la première fois qu’ils s’adressent directement aux micro-entrepreneurs sans passer par l’intermédiaire d’un traducteur, ce qui leur permet d’être plus proches de leurs interlocuteurs !   L’épicerie de Maria Elena Célibataire de 35 ans, Maria Elena tient une épicerie qu’elle ouvre de 7 à 22h tous les […]
              Le tour du monde solidaire en 4L de Mathieu et Nicolas        
    Connaissez-vous Nicolas et Matthieu ? Non ? C’est bien dommage ! Ces deux jeunes de 21 ans ont créé leur association nommée Microcrédit en 4L afin de réaliser un projet à la fois utile et hors du commun. Le but ? Faire un tour du monde en 4L afin de soutenir l’entrepreneuriat par la microfinance et de la faire connaître. Un beau programme ! Bien installés dans leur 4L tout équipée, ils ont prévu de traverser 32 pays en 1 an. Le top départ de leur voyage a été donné le 30 août dernier : ils sont partis plein est et se trouvent à l’heure actuelle en Iran. Afin de participer au développement de l’entrepreneuriat dans les pays par lesquels ils passeront, ils ont choisi de prêter sur Babyloan, car la mécanique du site leur permet de réutiliser l’argent une fois remboursés pour un impact décuplé ! Ainsi, grâce aux 20 000 € qu’ils ont réussi à lever auprès de leurs partenaires, ils ont pu prêter à 39 micro-entrepreneurs Babyloan, dans 4 de nos pays partenaires : le Cambodge, le Pérou, le Nicaragua et l’Equateur. Dès qu’ils se trouveront dans l’un de ces pays, ils iront rendre visite aux entrepreneurs qu’ils auront soutenus et nous enverront des photos et […]
              Trois femmes, trois histoires, trois projets à financer à Managua, Nicaragua – partie 2        
    Voici la deuxième partie du récit de Sen Rey, notre volontaire au Nicaragua, qui nous raconte son expérience à Managua et sa rencontre avec 3 micro-entrepreneuses. Première partie, Troisième partie Fatima a débuté son projet il y a trois ans. La maison de Fatima est modeste mais suffisamment spacieuse pour aménager une épicerie. Elle y vend quelques produits alimentaires, ainsi que des produits cosmétiques. Fatima a besoin du soutien des Babyloniens pour un deuxième emprunt en cours. Elle a bénéficié d’un premier prêt qu’elle a investi dans l’achat d’un réfrigérateur. Elle explique que le microcrédit accordé par notre IMF partenaire fut une opportunité d’augmenter les bénéfices de son investissement. Le taux d’intérêt accordé par  Afodenic est, en effet, inférieur aux taux octroyés par les banques. Son prêt est, de ce fait, plus facilement supporté à un moindre coût, ce qui lui permet de réinvestir une partie de ses gains au développement de son épicerie. Plus tard, elle aimerait aménager une petite boutique de vêtements dans sa maison. En voyant augmenter ses revenues, Fatima se sent beaucoup plus indépendante. Retrouvez la dernière partie des aventures de Sen Rey la semaine prochaine sur notre blog.
              Trois femmes, trois histoires, trois projets à financer à Managua, Nicaragua – partie 1        
    Voici la première partie du récit de Sen Rey, notre volontaire au Nicaragua, qui nous raconte son expérience à Managua et sa rencontre avec 3 micro-entrepreneuses. Deuxième partie, Troisième partie Maria Elena, Fatima et Luz Marina ne se connaissent pas. Pourtant, elles habitent toutes les trois à Managua et ont un rêve commun: celui de devenir des femmes indépendantes avec le désir de développer leur propre commerce afin de subvenir aux besoins de leur famille. Mères célibataires, elles tiennent chacune une épicerie – communément appelée pulpería – dans différents quartiers de Managua. C’est en sillonnant la capitale à moto, en compagnie de Miguel, l’agent de crédit, que je suis venue à leur rencontre. Pour un voyageur de passage, Managua est une ville qui impressionne de par son étendue. La capitale du Nicaragua apparaît, en effet, comme un vaste village dans lequel on pourrait s’y perdre facilement, composée de bidonvilles juxtaposés à des résidences de maisons modernes. Des maisonnettes de toits en tôle à perte de vue… C’est que, depuis le tremblement de terre de 1972, subsistent peu de bâtiments et d’édifices en hauteur. Abritant plus de deux millions d’habitants, la différence existante entre classes sociales est palpable. La ville n’a […]
              Le mois de l’Amérique Latine sur Babyloan        
    Depuis quelque temps l’Amérique Latine est au cœur de l’actu… En réponse à cette actualité forte, Babyloan met à l’honneur les micro-entrepreneurs d’Amérique Latine et nos Institution de Micro-Finance partenaires durant tout le mois d’avril. Au programme : un maximum d’informations sur ces pays pour que vous puissiez découvrir les environnements de nos partenaires et de leurs micro-entrepreneurs. Nous allons voyager à travers l’Amérique Latine pour mieux en comprendre la culture, la cuisine et les traditions. Depuis 2009 nous avons construit des partenariats dans 4 pays du continent : au Pérou, au Costa Rica, en Equateur et au Nicaragua. Petite revue des 4 partenaires sud-américains et de leurs mission : CEPESIU souhaite participer au développement durable et juste des économie locales en appuyant les unités économiques économiques de petite échelle. Devenir une organisation référent en Équateur pour le développement socio-économique des populations les plus vulnérables et définir des modèles de développement économique locaux. AFODENIC aspire à être un organisme de microcrédit qui encourage le développement socio-économique des populations urbaines et rurales, propose des services financiers complets et renforce le processus associatif au sein des groupes cibles. Encourager le développement économique, social et culturel des populations n’ayant pas accès aux banques commerciales. Intégrer des […]
              Paroles d’artisans        
    Cette semaine en France c’est la semaine de l’artisanat et le thème choisi est « Paroles d’artisans ». Qu’est-ce qu’un artisan nous direz-vous ? Selon le portail artisanat.info du gouvernement, il s’agit d’un « Chef d’entreprise qui investit sur son savoir-faire ». Et les artisans sur Babyloan ? Et bien ils représentent une part importante des micro-entrepreneurs de la plateforme. Alors pour célébrer les artisans partout dans le monde, partons à la rencontre avec 4 d’entre eux qui développent leur projet grâce au microcrédit. BATIMENT : la menuiserie de Hipolito au Nicaragua Hipolito a commencé sa carrière comme policier à San Francisco Libre. Après avoir reçu en don des terres, il a décidé d’abandonner son travail pour se dédier à la culture. Pendant ce temps il redécouvre sa passion pour la menuiserie, ancien métier qui lui avait été appris par son père. Il décide donc de vendre les terres et d’ouvrir un atelier à Managua. Il sollicite son deuxième microcrédit, pour acheter des matières premières afin de réaliser plusieurs travaux. Il rêve d’arriver à gagner de nouvelles parts de marché et améliorer ainsi son atelier. ALIMENTATION : la chicharroneria de Miriam Elena au Pérou Miriam Elena au Pérou tient une chicharronéria, un petit restaurant où elle vend […]
              Croissance soutenue et patience pour sortir de la pauvreté au Nicaragua        
    Le FUNIDES, fondation nicaraguayenne pour le développement économique et social a publié une nouvelle étude présentant les perspectives de développement du pays. Alors qu’aujourd’hui 42% de la population vit sous le seuil de pauvreté (moins de deux dollars par jour) au Nicaragua, il faudrait à priori attendre 10 ans en assurant un taux de croissance de 6% pour que ce chiffre soit divisé par deux. L’extrême pauvreté (moins d’un dollar par jour) touche quant à elle 15% de la population, ce sont 25 ans de croissance qui seraient nécessaire pour sortir de cette situation. Personnes collectant des ordures à la Chureca, la plus grande déchetterie d’Amérique du sud située au Nicaragua et où de nombreuses personnes vivent. © END Par ailleurs, le Nicaragua présente le panier de biens et services le plus cher de la région et ses salaires sont également les plus bas, ce qui rend la situation d’autant plus difficile pour la population. Selon une étude de la FAO, 19% de la population souffre de malnutrition. Bien que le pays alimente toute l’Amérique centrale par ses produits agricoles aux prix attractifs, il faudrait néanmoins que le secteur améliore sa productivité afin de pouvoir augmenter le volume de production […]
              María Teresa, cuisinière en plein air à Juigalpa, Nicaragua        
    Viviane vous propose de découvrir María Teresa, qui régale les habitants de Juigalpa. María Teresa est cuisinière, elle prépare chez elle la comida rapida (restauration rapide) qu’elle ira vendre dans la rue, juste à l’extérieur de sa maison de Juigalpa, à partir de 18h quand tombe la nuit. Elle a désormais une clientèle fidèle qui se régale de ses plats, parmi les plus populaires au Nicaragua: enchiladas (sorte de chausson fourré à la viande et au riz… bien différente de son homonyme mexicaine : il faut savoir qu’un même nom de plat (empanadas, fajitas) recouvre souvent des recettes bien différentes selon le pays d’Amérique latine !), natacamales (viande, riz, tomates, pommes de terre et épices mélangés dans une pâte à base de maïs, le tout bouilli dans une feuille de bananier), carne asada (viande grillée au barbecue), servie avec tajadas (lamelles de bananes plantains frites à la consistance de chips) et salade de chou… María Teresa a arrêté ses études un an avant d’obtenir son diplôme de professeur des écoles, et a 2 enfants. Elle sollicite régulièrement un prêt d’Afodenic d’environ 200€ pour l’achat de ses matières premières. Son bénéfice mensuel est de l’ordre d’une centaine d’euros.
              The Last Dawn By Joe Gannon        

      Joe Gannon is a writer and spoken word artist. He was a freelance journalist in Nicaragua during the Sandinista Revolution, writing for The Christian Science Monitor, The Toronto Globe and Mail, and The San Francisco Examiner

    He spent three years in the army, graduated from the University of Massachusetts at Amherst, and did his MFA at Pine Manor College. After a stint teaching high school in Abu Dhabi, he wrote his first novel, Night of the Jaguar. He new novel is The Last Dawn

              the most beautiful humorous reference book: Our Dumb Century        
    What: Our Dumb Century: The Onion Presents 100 Years of Headlines from America's Finest News Source, a 1999 "compilation" of more than 100 fictional newspaper front pages from the years 1900 to 2000. (The Onion itself, as it turns out, has only been published since 1988, despite some evidence elsewise. But that little detail didn't stop them.) It is published by Three Rivers Press and randomly serialized on The Onion's site.

    Why: It's hard work being funny. One joke can take days to craft. So imagine your job was to create thousands of jokes about everything that's happened in a hundred years. That's the job the Onion's editors took on toward the end of the twentieth century, running the world through its uniquely grief-colored glasses. The newspaper warps from a broadsheet to a USA Today-clone tabloid, spewing forth quarter-column-inch throwaway headlines ranging from "Unsingable Song Of Explosions And Defeat Becomes New National Anthem" to "Spielberg Reveals The Two Secrets Of His Success: Monsters, Jews." Every trial is the "trial of the century." Lady Liberty gets repeatedly assaulted by caricatures of America's foes. Pop culture icons become real: Peter Parker dies from a radioactive spider bite, Mr. Potter pays 50 cents on the dollar, and Sharon Tate is slain by the Partridge Family. Zapped! sweeps the Oscars. And it all makes perfect sense. Here are some highlights:
    April 22, 1906: "Earth-Quake Marks Least Gay Day In San Francisco History"
    October 22, 1929: "Stock Market Invincible: 'Buy, Buy, Buy!' Experts Advise"
    September 3, 1939: "WA— (Headline Continued On Page 2)"
    July 28, 1953: "Korean War Ends In Tearful 3-Hour Finale"
    July 21, 1969: "Holy Shit! Man Walks On Fucking Moon"
    November 20, 1978: "Anthropomorphic Juice Pitcher Among Dead In Jonestown Cult Suicide"
    May 26, 1996: "Oprah Secedes From U.S., Forms Independent Nation Of Cheesecake-Eating Housewives"

    Impact: Our Dumb Century became a #1 bestseller, aptly enough, on April 1, 1999. It came out amid a hurricane of centenniospectives from important-sounding publications like Time and Life. They're all useless, landfilled on some metaphorically obvious ashheap. That's because they portrayed the century as smart. The Onion knows better, and so its book will last forever. The Onion followed it up in 2007 with Our Dumb World: The Onion's Atlas of the Planet Earth (free globe inside!), an equally biting and brutal tome, where Nigeria's entry is a chain letter and Nicaragua's is a flashback to the NES game Contra. I hope there's an encyclopedia in their future. (Bonus fun fact: The Onion is the first thing that comes up when you type "onion" into Google. What, that's not all that fun? Okay, try just typing "the".)

    Personal Connection: I can remember exactly where I was when I first saw The Onion. My mates and I were hanging in The Daily Northwestern offices plotting some no-doubt-revelatory investigation of pop prices in the student union. Some plugged-in freshman wandered in with a copy of an early printing of The Onion, saying "This is what the J-students are doing in Madison." Now, you have to understand that this was the top of the class of the best journalism school in the world, bound for the best newspapers in the country. And to a man, every one of us said, "Can we go to school there?"

    Other Contenders: Ambrose Bierce's The Devil's Dictionary, wherein, for example, "accordion" is defined as "an instrument in harmony with the sentiments of an assassin"; The Lazlo Letters, a series of insane letters to businesses and politicians from Don "Father Guido Sarducci" Novello's lunatic patriot Lazlo Toth, and the letters he gets back; James Gilbert's The World's Worst Aircraft, which will teach you never to get in something called a "Christmas Bullet"; The Darwin Awards: Evolution in Action, which you should read if you don't want to be in one of its sequels.

    Programming note: Speaking of centuries, this is column #100 of The Most Beautiful Things. Thanks for coming along for the last 100, and for the next. (Update: Except it isn't. It's #101, and I can't count. But I still can be thankful for people reading this.)


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              Reply to Hilo de las BSO on Tue, 27 Oct 2015 13:54:55 GMT        

    DJANGO UNCHAINED - Nicaragua - OST – 03:29
    — TheSmakius

              How Much Worse Can Things Get in Venezuela?        

    The United States has ordered the families of diplomats to leave the Venezuelan capital, Caracas, amid mass protests against a controversial vote this weekend. This indicates that the State Department expects the situation to deteriorate further, which is alarming considering that the country’s ongoing political crisis has already led to more than 100 deaths—mainly protesters shot by police or armed civilian gangs known as “colectivos.” The country’s economic crisis is so acute that there’s widespread child malnutrition, and experts are worried about famine in the country with the world’s largest proven oil reserves. And the level of political chaos is such that a renegade ex-cop and part-time action movie star bombed the Supreme Court with grenades in June—and, perhaps more remarkably, it hardly seemed out of character.

    But things can get worse, and this weekend’s events will be a major indication of whether they do. Opposition protests are going ahead on Friday afternoon despite a ban. On Sunday, the government is planning to hold a vote to select a constituent assembly to rewrite the country’s constitution. President Nicolás Maduro has been feuding since 2015 with the opposition-controlled National Assembly—the country’s unicameral legislature—which has been attempting to remove him from power. Maduro, who took power in 2013 as the handpicked successor of the late Hugo Chávez, has become increasingly unpopular as the country’s economy has deteriorated, the result of both economic mismanagement and low oil prices. In better days, it was easy for Maduro, and Chávez before him, to dismiss protests against their increasing authoritarianism as the handiwork of Western-backed elites upset about socialist policies. That’s getting harder as the opposition has grown. On July 16, more than 7 million Venezuelans turned out for a referendum organized by the opposition, denouncing Maduro’s plan to hold a constituent assembly.

    The government has made some concessions, including releasing opposition leader Leopoldo López from prison to house arrest, but it’s still pressing forward with the plan for Sunday’s vote. About two-fifths of the constituent assembly will be selected by “sectors,” such as trade unions and communal councils, that are largely loyal to the government. The rest will be elected by municipality, but the opposition says the system is gerrymandered to overrepresent rural areas where support for Maduro is strongest. The coalition of opposition parties, known as the MUD, is boycotting the vote.

    If the vote takes place, things could get ugly very quickly. The International Crisis Group notes that “Fringe elements in the opposition (collectively referred to as La Resistencia), frustrated with the MUD’s non-violent approach, talk in private of armed resistance. With millions of illegal weapons in private hands, arming urban guerrillas might not be difficult.”

    Then there’s the role of the country’s military and security services. While the helicopter attack appears to have been the work of a small group of somewhat delusional right-wing extremists, there’s also reportedly widespread discontent among officers, which could get worse if the army were called in to restore order in the face of even larger mass protests.

    Venezuela has a history of military coups. Chávez himself attempted to lead one as a military officer in 1992. After he was elected president, he himself survived a 2002 coup attempt, organized with at least the awareness of the CIA and the tacit support of the first Bush administration.

    Maduro has denounced the current protests against him as part of an international right-wing conspiracy led by the Trump administration—a pretty standard dodge at this point. The Trump administration did recently imposed financial sanctions on 13 current and former Venezuelan officials and has threatened more measures if the government follows through on the constituent assembly plan. Announcing the sanctions, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said that the “United States will not ignore the Maduro regime’s ongoing efforts to undermine democracy, freedom and the rule of law.” If you’re keeping track at home, the administration is very worried about threats to democracy from left-wing Latin Americans. Middle Eastern strongmen and right-wing eastern Europeans get a pass. Unfortunately, due to the administration’s unpopularity as well as the history of U.S. interventions in the region, U.S. support might hinder rather than enhance the appeal of opposition to Maduro’s power grab.

    While governance in the region is far from perfect, Latin America has mostly left behind the 20th-century era of dictatorship, coups, and civil conflict. With the exception of Cuba, every government in the region was democratically elected, and with the resolution of Colombia’s five-decade war with the FARC, there are no ongoing armed conflicts. (Drug violence and crime is another story.)

    That’s not to say there aren’t warning signs. Brazil’s current president, Michel Temer, took power after the highly controversial impeachment of his predecessor, denounced by opponents as a coup, and both he and his main rival are facing criminal charges for corruption, amid growing political chaos. Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega amended the constitution and sidelined rivals ahead of a controversial election to a third term last year.

    All this is to say that this weekend’s events in Venezuela could very well have stakes beyond Venezuela itself.

              En el 2009 Nicaragua obtuvo 17.2 millones de dólares con la exportación de chatarra y desechos de papel, plástico, vidrio y cartón        

    Reyna Rodríguez Pavón no acepta argumentos contra las ventajas del reciclaje. La empresa que ella maneja, Reciclaje y Negocios Internacionales S.A. o simplemente Renisa, se encarga de reciclar y también de enseñar a hacerlo. Su empresa genera unos 35 empleos fijos y otros 50 de manera indirecta, incluyendo a los encargados de centros de acopio en algunos departamentos como Boaco, León, Granada, Rivas y Matagalpa. .... Leer mas

    Link a este artículo
              Los países ricos suelen pontificar sobre el manejo "irresponsable" y "corrupto" de muchas naciones, pero lideran de lejos la tabla de los países más endeudados        


    1) Japón: 237%
    2) Zimbabue: 202%
    3) Grecia: 158%
    4) Jamaica: 146%
    5) Eritrea: 125%
    6) Italia: 126%
    7) Portugal: 122%
    8) República de Irlanda: 117%
    9) Granada: 112%
    10) Estados Unidos: 106%
    11) Islandia: 99,3%
    12) Bélgica: 99%
    13) Reino Unido: 90,3%
    14) Francia: 90,29%
    Fuente: Global Economic Outlook, Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI)

    Japón encabeza el ránking por amplio margen y entre los 14 países más endeudados del planeta, sólo Zimbabue, Jamaica, Eritrea y Granada pertenecen a los más pobres.
    Estados Unidos, Grecia, Italia, Portugal e Islandia están entre los países desarrollados con deudas por encima del 100% de su Producto Interno Bruto (PIB), es decir, de todo lo que produce la economía nacional en un año.

    Según una autoridad mundial en temas de deuda, Robert Pollin, co-director del Political Economy Research Institute(Peri) de Massachussets, EE.UU., este endeudamiento es un privilegio de los países ricos que, sin embargo, tiene un precio.

    "Muchos países desarrollados pueden endeudarse en sus propias monedas y acceder a los mercados financieros a muy bajas tasas de interés. Endeudarse de esta manera para financiar el crecimiento o salir de una crisis es una gran ventaja, pero no es un viaje gratis. Todo depende de las circunstancias de cada país". 

    El problema es que la deuda ha crecido a pasos agigantados en muchos países desarrollados en los últimos 20 años.

    Japón pasó el umbral del 100% del Producto Interno Bruto en 1997: hoy se sitúa alrededor del 240% del PIB.

    En Grecia era un 115% en 2007 y se acercará a 200% a fin de este año. Portugal y España duplicaron su deuda en seis años. En Italia pasó del 112% hace siete años a más del 130% hoy.

    El manejo de la deuda depende sobre todo de la tasa de interés. Hoy está a niveles muy bajos históricamente tanto en Estados Unidos como en Europa y Japón, pero tarde o temprano, aumentará.

    "Un aumento de las tasas de interés puede complicar las cosas. Esto sucedió en Estados Unidos en los 80 con Ronald Reagan, porque se pagaba un 10 o 11% a diferencia de hoy que pedimos prestado a un 1 o 2%. De modo que en aquella época una buena parte del presupuesto se destinaba al pago de intereses", indicó Pollin.

    Es uno de los peligros de un aumento exponencial de la deuda: América Latina conoció el problema de primera mano.


    Deuda de América Latina por PIB 2012

    1) Brasil: 68%
    2) Venezuela: 57%
    3) Uruguay: 53%
    4) El Salvador: 52,1%
    5) Nicaragua: 52%
    6) Argentina: 44%
    7) México: 43%
    8) Honduras: 34,6%
    9) Costa Rica: 34%
    10) Bolivia: 33%
    11) Colombia: 32%
    12) Guatemala: 25%
    13) Perú: 19%
    14) Ecuador: 18%
    15) Paraguay: 11,3%
    16) Chile: 11,2%
    Fuente: FMI

    En los años 80 la deuda fue un albatros que ahogó la economía regional y condujo a lo que hoy llamamos la década perdida, dice Justo.

    La "salida" de esta crisis incluyó varias reestructuraciones de deuda, mucha ingeniería financiera (Plan Baker, Plan Brady), cesaciones de pago y heridas que no terminan de cerrarse como se puede ver en el caso de Argentina y los fondos buitre.

    Según el Coordinador del Observatorio Económico de América Latina (Obela) y académico de la UNAM en México, Oscar Ugarteche, el precio económico regional fue muy alto.

    "El servicio de la deuda se llevó una porción cada vez más grande del presupuesto que se robó a la inversión pública en infraestructura o en educación o salud. El impacto de esta desinversión fue un menor crecimiento económico que dificultó aún más el pago de la deuda y que a mediano y largo plazo creó problemas de competitividad por la falta de inversión en la infraestructura que necesita toda economía para desarrollarse", indicó a BBC Mundo.

    Esta penosa experiencia no pasó en vano, como señala un informe sobre la finanzas públicas de la región publicado este año por la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL).

    "En 2013 el promedio de deuda se mantuvo cercano al 31% del PIB para la región. La caída del pago de intereses ha sido significativa en los últimos años en América Latina. Se trata de una tendencia de gran relevancia en la perspectiva de la calidad de las finanzas públicas, al permitir espacios para una mayor inversión y para el gasto social", señala el informe.

    En términos de porcentaje del PIB la mayoría de los países tienen una deuda pública que se sitúa entre el 20 y 40 % del PIB con Brasil, El Salvador y Nicaragua entre los más endeudados en términos porcentuales y Chile y Paraguay entre los que menos deben.

    Fuente: Mercado

              Belenes curiosos que se ponen en todo el mundo        

              Esteri di lun 07/11        
    1-Stati Uniti: ultime ore di campagna elettorale. ..Domani la sfida Hillary Clinton – Donald Trump...( Roberto Festa)..2-” La voracità delle multinazionali ha risvegliato la destra ..reazionaria”. Ai nostri microfoni l'ex presidente dell'Uruguay Pepe Mujica spiega il declino delle sinistre nel mondo. ..( Intervista di Alfredo Somoza) ..3-Guerra all'Isis: al via la campagna per liberare la città di Raqqa, la capitale del “Califato “in Siria. ( Emanuele Valenti)..4-Nicaragua: c'era una volta la rivoluzione sandinista. ..Al suo quarto mandato l'ex capo della guerriglia Daniel Ortega ..nomina la moglie vice presidente. ..5-Pedofilia. Riuniti a Lourdes i vescovi francesi chiedono scusa per il silenzio della chiesa di fronte agli abusi sessuali commessi dai preti sui minori. ( Francesco Giorgini) ..6-” il calcio era la cosa che la rendeva più felice”. Parla Mamadou il fratello di Fatima Jawara il portiere della nazionale femminile del Gambia morta in mare. ( Dario Falcini)
              Codes for making International Calls        

    What is a Country Code?

          Country codes are used to make International Phone calls.Every country has a unique country code. Country codes are the prefixes you need to dial before calling to the country.This short alphabetic or numeric geographical codes (geocodes) are developed to represent countries and dependent areas.The International Dialing codes of a country is called "Country Code" or  International Area Code(IAC) or International Calling Codes.

    International Calling codes of all countries

    Country Codes List

    CountryCountry Code
    Abkhazia+995 44 +7 840, 940
    American Samoa+1 684
    Anguilla+1 264
    Antigua and Barbuda+1 268
    Ascension Island+247
    Australian Antarctic Territory+672 1x
    Bahamas+1 242
    Barbados+1 246
    Bermuda+1 441
    Bonaire+599 7
    Bosnia and Herzegovina+387
    British Indian Ocean Territory+246
    British Virgin Islands+1 284
    Burkina Faso+226
    Cape Verde+238
    Cayman Islands+1 345
    Central African Republic+236
    Christmas Island+61 8 9164
    Cocos Islands+61 8 9162
    Cook Islands+682
    Costa Rica+506
    Côte d'Ivoire+225
    Curacao+599 9
    Czech Republic+420
    Democratic Republic of the Congo+243
    Dominica+1 767
    Dominican Republic+1 809 / 829 / 849
    East Timor+670
    El Salvador+503
    Equatorial Guinea+240
    Falkland Islands+500
    Faroe Islands+298
    Federated States of Micronesia+691
    French Guiana+594
    French Polynesia+689
    Global Mobile Satellite System+881
    Grenada+1 473
    Guam+1 671
    Guernsey+44 1481
    Hong Kong+852
    International Freephone UIFN+800
    International Premium Rate Service+979
    Isle of Man+44 1624
    Jamaica+1 876
    Jersey+44 1534
    Kazakhstan+7 6xx, 7xx
    Kosovo+377 44 / 45 +386 43 / 49 +381 28 / 29 / 38 / 39
    Mainland China+86
    Marshall Islands+692
    Mayotte+262 269 / 639
    Montserrat+1 664
    Nagorno-Karabakh+374 47 / 97
    New Caledonia+687
    New Zealand+64
    Norfolk Island+672 3
    North Korea+850
    Northern Mariana Islands+1 670
    Palestinian territories+970
    Papua New Guinea+675
    Puerto Rico+1 787 / 939
    Republic of China (Taiwan)+886
    Republic of the Congo+242
    Saba+599 4
    Saint Helena+290
    Saint Kitts and Nevis+1 869
    Saint Lucia+1 758
    Saint Vincent and the Grenadines+1 784
    Saint-Pierre and Miquelon+508
    San Marino+378
    São Tomé and Príncipe+239
    Saudi Arabia+966
    Sierra Leone+232
    Sint Eustatius+599 3
    Sint Maarten+599 5
    Solomon Islands+677
    South Africa+27
    South Korea+82
    South Sudan+211
    Sri Lanka+94
    Telecommunications for Disaster Relief by OCHA+888
    TokelauList of Currencies of the World and their Currency Symbols

    There are 179 currencies in the world.
    List of Currencies of the World
    Currencies of the World

    Currency Symbols

    Afghan afghani؋
    Albanian lekL
    Alderney pound£
    Algerian dinarد.ج
    Angolan kwanzaKz
    Argentine peso$
    Armenian dramդր.
    Aruban florinƒ
    Ascension pound£
    Australian dollar$
    Bahamian dollar$
    Bahraini dinar.د.ب
    Bangladeshi taka৳
    Barbadian dollar$
    Belarusian rubleBr
    Belize dollar$
    Bermudian dollar$
    Bhutanese ngultrumNu.
    Bolivian bolivianoBs.
    Bosnia and Herzegovina convertible markKM or КМ
    Botswana pulaP
    Brazilian realR$
    British pound£
    British Virgin Islands dollar$
    Brunei dollar$
    Bulgarian levлв
    Burundian francFr
    Cambodian riel៛
    Canadian dollar$
    Cape Verdean escudoEsc or $
    Cayman Islands dollar$
    Central African CFA francFr
    CFP francFr
    Chilean peso$
    Chinese yuan¥ or 元
    Cocos (Keeling) Islands dollar$
    Colombian peso$
    Comorian francFr
    Congolese francFr
    Cook Islands dollar$
    Costa Rican colón₡
    Croatian kunakn
    Cuban convertible peso$
    Cuban peso$
    Czech korunaKč
    Danish kronekr
    Djiboutian francFr
    Dominican peso$
    East Caribbean dollar$
    Egyptian pound£ or ج.م
    Eritrean nakfaNfk
    Ethiopian birrBr
    Falkland Islands pound£
    Faroese krónakr
    Fijian dollar$
    Gambian dalasiD
    Georgian lariლ
    Ghanaian cedi₵
    Gibraltar pound£
    Guatemalan quetzalQ
    Guernsey pound£
    Guinean francFr
    Guyanese dollar$
    Haitian gourdeG
    Honduran lempiraL
    Hong Kong dollar$
    Hungarian forintFt
    Icelandic krónakr
    Indian rupee₹
    Indonesian rupiahRp
    Iranian rialï·¼
    Iraqi dinarع.د
    Israeli new shekel₪
    Jamaican dollar$
    Japanese yen¥
    Jersey pound£
    Jordanian dinarد.ا
    Kazakhstani tenge₸
    Kenyan shillingSh
    Kiribati dollar$
    Kuwaiti dinarد.ك
    Kyrgyzstani somлв
    Lao kip₭
    Latvian latsLs
    Lebanese poundل.ل
    Lesotho lotiL
    Liberian dollar$
    Libyan dinarل.د
    Lithuanian litasLt
    Macanese patacaP
    Macedonian denarден
    Malagasy ariaryAr
    Malawian kwachaMK
    Malaysian ringgitRM
    Maldivian rufiyaaރ.
    Manx pound£
    Mauritanian ouguiyaUM
    Mauritian rupee₨
    Mexican peso$
    Micronesian dollar$
    Moldovan leuL
    Mongolian tögrög₮
    Moroccan dirhamد.م.
    Mozambican meticalMTn
    Myanma kyatK
    Nagorno-Karabakh dramդր.
    Namibian dollar$
    Nauruan dollar$
    Nepalese rupee₨
    Netherlands Antillean guilderƒ
    New Taiwan dollar$
    New Zealand dollar$
    Nicaraguan córdoba
              Countries in North America        
    North America is the third largest continent in the world , comprising of 23 countries.Here is the list of 23 countries in North America and their capitals.
    North America

     S.no. Countries Capitals
    Antigua and Barbuda
    St. John's
    The Bahamas
    Costa Rica
    San José
    The Dominican Republic
    Santo Domingo
    El Salvador
    San Salvador
    St. George's
    Guatemala City
    Mexico City
    Panama City
    Saint Kitts and Nevis
    Saint Lucia
    Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
    Trinidad and Tobago
    Port of Spain
    The United States
    Washington, District of Columbi

              10 Things You Never Knew About Spain        

    Spain is one of the world's oldest cultures, steeped in a rich heritage and influential across continents throughout history. The Mediterranean climate and idyllic coastline attract millions of tourists every year, making Spain one of the top holiday destinations in Europe.

    Despite most peoples' familiarity with Spain, there are some interesting facts about the country that will surprise you. Let's take a look….

    Most people think that Italy is the main producer of olive oil whereas in reality, Spain produces 45% of all the olive oil in the world! The average Spaniard consumes almost 14 litres of olive oil each year.
    Spain has had a number of different names throughout its history.
    The North African inhabitants who first crossed the Straits of Gibraltar called the country Iberia, meaning land of rivers. When the Greeks followed and invaded the peninsula, they called the land Hesperia, meaning 'land of the setting sun' as it was the westernmost point of the European continent at that time.
    Around 300BC, the Carthaginians were next to claim what is now Spain, naming it Ispania which means 'land of the rabbits'. Later when the Romans took over, they Latinised the name to Hispania. Over time this changed to España and so essentially, Spain remains the 'land of rabbits'!
    Spaniards traditionally have two surnames. The first surname is taken from the father and the second from the mother. For example, if your name is Juan Martín Lopez and your wife's name is Elena González García, your child's surname will be Martín González.
    The physical centre of Spain is the Puerta del Sol ('Gate of the Sun') plaza in Madrid. It is marked as KM0 for the Spanish radial road network.
    Although Christopher Columbus was Italian, he had an agreement with the Spanish Catholic Monarchs leading to him setting sail for the Indies under the auspices of the Spanish Monarchy.
    The terms of the agreement were that Columbus could claim governorship of all lands he found for Spain, a tenth of all revenue from new found lands and the title of 'Admiral of the Ocean'. The monarchy agreed to his terms only to renege on them when he surprised them by returning!
    Don Quixote by Spanish author Miguel Cervantes, originally published in 1605 was voted the 'most meaningful book of all time' in 2002 by a panel of 100 top authors including, Salman Rushdie, Norman Mailer, Doris Lesson and Caroles Fuentes.
    Spanish is the second most widely-spoken language in the world, with 410 million native speakers.
    Other than Spain, it is the official language of the following countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Chile, Paraguay, Panama, Mexico, Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador, Ecuador, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Peru, Uruguay, Puerto Rico, Venezuela and Equatorial Guinea.
    Spain is the 13th largest economy in the world with a GDP of €1 trillion. The nation also has a very high Human Development Index, ranked 23rd in the world, indicating the level of education in Spain.
    Between 711 and 718AD, Islamic Moorish armies conquered nearly all of Spain. Muslim rule persisted in the country for almost 781 years although often fragmented. Thanks to the Muslim legacy, Spain now has a more unique culture and heritage than its neighbour France.
    Spanish football club Real Madrid is the most valuable sports team in the world. They boast annual revenues in excess of €500m and a brand value of €2.4bn. Arch rivals Barcelona rank third with a brand value of €1.9bn.

    Article by +https://plus.google.com/104516603036446499629?rel=author on behalf of Propertyshowrooms.com
              Esteri di mar 02/12        
    1-stato palestinese. Il passo storico dell'assemblea nazionale francese. ..la mozione non vincolante approvata a larga maggioranza ..2-In Ucraina entra in scena il generale freddo: siglata una nuova tregua nelle zone russofone. ..3-Bhopal, 1984: nella notte tra il 2 e il 3 dicembre il più grave disastro industriale della storia. ..4-Il Trattato di Lisbona compie 5 anni. ..Tra i meriti gli accresciuti poteri dell'europarlamento e la proposta di legge popolare...5-Procreazione assistita nel resto del mondo: oggi la Gran Bretagna. ( Chiara Ronzani) ..6-Nigeria, tra modernità e terrorismo di Boko haram. ..( Reportage di Raffaele Masto)..6-collegherà i due oceani: tra mille perplessità iniziano i lavori del canale del Nicaragua. ( Marta Gatti) ..

    The uncropped version of Dr François de Loys's photograph of the supposed South American ape Ameranthropoides loysi – one of the most controversial cryptozoological images of all time (public domain)

    Welcome to my 600th post on ShukerNature! Befitting of such a momentous occasion, the subject documented by me in this post is of profound cryptozoological significance – revealing how one of the most infamous mystery beast frauds of all time was finally exposed. In Part 1 (click here) of this two-part ShukerNature article, I documented the 'official' history of a truly extraordinary mystery creature - a supposedly genuine, tailless, bipedal South American ape, reputedly encountered and killed in the Venezuelan jungle almost exactly a century ago by a team of geologists led by one Dr François de Loys, and subsequently dubbed Ameranthropoides loysi ('Loys's American ape') by a radical French zoologist called Prof. George Montandon who held very extreme, controversial views concerning human evolution. Now it's time to document this creature's true history, by presenting the crucial yet all-too-long-overlooked information that conclusively exposed the entire Ameranthropoides episode as a blatant, deliberate hoax.

    The 'official' history of Ameranthropoides loysi began to unravel on 16 July 1962. This was when the Caracas, Venezuela, newspaper El Universal's historian Guillermo José Schael published in the paper a telegram lately received from the village of Casigua, in the Tarra River region of Venezuela, concerning a supposed giant spider that had allegedly strangled to death a ranch worker named Juancho. Not surprisingly, this dramatic news attracted considerable interest from readers, and elicited a letter from a hunter named Jerónimo Martínez-Mendoza, which was published on 17 July by El Universal.

    In it, Martínez-Mendoza suggested that the report was mistaken, that it had probably been a giant spider monkey which had attacked and killed Juancho, and he drew comparisons in his letter with the Ameranthropoides incident. This letter was in turn read by Dr Enrique Tejera Guevara (1899-1980), a Venezuelan-born friend of de Loys in the field (as well as a decorated tropical physician and pathologist, ambassador, and minister in the Venezuelan government), who lost no time in replying via a letter of his own, but which contained a truly sensational disclosure.

    Enrique Tejera Guevara (Wikipedia CC BY 4.0 licence)

    Published in El Universal on 19 July 1962, Dr Tejera's letter revealed that back on 11 March 1929 (mistakenly given as 1919 in the newspaper-published version of his letter) he had attended a lecture at the Academy of Sciences in Paris, France, given by Montandon concerning Ameranthropoides, but that he had been very surprised to hear Montandon's claims about the creature being a very tall, bipedal, tailless South American ape. Consequently, at the end of the lecture Tejera had stood up, and, to a hushed audience, had brusquely dismissed Montandon's claims as nonsense.

    Tejera informed them that he had actually been in the company of de Loys in 1917 when the famous encounter with the two apes and the shooting of one of them had supposedly taken place – but affirmed that no such encounter or shooting had in fact occurred. Instead, the creature in the photograph was nothing more than de Loys's own normal-sized pet marimonda spider monkey, which he had dubbed 'the monkey-man', and whose tail had been amputated after it had become infected. Moreover, after his pet spider monkey had later died, and again in the presence of Tejera, de Loys had decided, as a joke, to take a photo of its body propped upright and sitting on a crate.

    And as the climax of his dramatic exposé, Tejera proclaimed that it was this joke picture that had subsequently become known as the now-infamous Ameranthropoides'ape' photograph, thanks to Montandon, and which with Frankensteinian vigour had swiftly raged out of its creator's control - until in order to preserve his reputation as a serious scientist, a highly embarrassed de Loys, seeing no way of extricating himself from this most unwelcome situation without looking very foolish indeed, had thereby found himself unable to confess the truth.

    Banana trees (public domain)

    But that was not all. Far from being in an area of wild, uncharted jungle in peril from attacks by Motilone Indians at the time when the photograph was taken as claimed by de Loys, he and his party were actually in an oil exploration camp very close to civilisation. Furthermore, there was vital, conclusive proof of this statement contained in the uncropped version of the Ameranthropoides photograph, yet which had been overlooked by everyone for decades, even after Tejera's earth-shattering announcement in front of a shocked and stunned Montandon back in 1929.

    The proof was the presence in this picture of a banana crop on the opposite side of the river from where the dead spider monkey was propped up and photographed. Banana trees are of Asian and Australasian origin, they are not native to the New World, having been introduced there by humans, and they can only grow near civilisation, not in the wild jungle region of South America where de Loys had averred that the photograph had been snapped. So the presence of banana trees in that picture verified that it had been snapped in the former location, not in the latter one that de Loys had alleged. This in turn also negates a claim made by him that whilst supposedly in the remote jungle, no fewer than 17 of his men had died due to the inhospitable conditions and the hostile Motilone Indians (in reality, there is no independent confirmation of this). In addition, Tejera revealed that rather than de Loys having led a single 4-year expedition to the Tarra River region as so frequently claimed in subsequent accounts of the Ameranthropoides case, he had instead led several much shorter ones (Tejera even provided their respective specific dates), and rarely beyond the perimeter of civilisation, as demonstrated, for instance, by the presence of banana trees in the Ameranthropoides photo.

    Having said that, the portion of the photograph showing these trees is sufficiently blurred for their conclusive identification to be somewhat tricky. Tejera was there when the photo was taken, so obviously he could clearly discern their true nature, but the evidence for them from the photo alone is less certain. Happily, however, there is one additional aspect of this image that vindicates his statement. In the lower right quadrant of the photo, alongside the monkey in the foreground, a leafy shoot is present that is identifiable as a chopped-down but now-regenerating banana tree (I have shown this to various friends who have kept banana trees, and they have all affirmed that this shoot is indeed one). I have arrowed it in the uncropped photo reproduced below.

    De Loys's full, uncropped Ameranthropoides photograph with the banana tree shoot in the foreground arrowed (public domain)

    In addition, an aspect that, very surprisingly, seems not to have been considered previously is that for a creature supposedly killed by a hail of bullets, it seems in the photograph to be remarkably free of bullet holes or wounds, especially as it was supposedly shot from the front, not from the back or side. This of course is readily explained by the fact that, thanks to Tejera, we now know that the creature wasn't an attacking ape that had been shot, it was merely a pet monkey that had died of natural causes.

    Equally, as the photographed 'ape' specimen was merely a marimonda spider monkey after all, de Loys's allegation that its dentition was different from that of spider monkeys was clearly yet another falsehood. And no doubt his so-convenient explanation of why the skull had not been retained for formal scientific examination (he claimed that the camp cook had converted it into a salt container and that it had then fallen apart), which of course would have readily identified its true taxonomic nature and exposed his dentition claim as false, was also a blatant lie. Little wonder, then, why de Loys was not able to escape from the web of deceit that he had spun when carrying out his joke, and which had ultimately and inextricably enveloped him.

    But that was still not everything. At least two years before penning to El Universal his devastating letter outing and condemning Montandon and the entire Ameranthropoides charade, Tejera had actually revealed all of this to fellow medical practitioner Dr Raymond Fiasson, who had documented it in his book Des Indiens et des Mouches: Dans les Llanos du Vénézuela(1960). Yet this too had escaped attention from cryptozoologists and zoologists alike. So also had a section included by American primatologist Prof. Earnest Hooton in his book Man's Poor Relations (1946) – a significant but hitherto-overlooked snippet until French cryptozoologist Michel Raynal had rediscovered it in 2007 (during that same year, Michel had also been instrumental in bringing Fiasson's documentation to public notice). Prof. Hooter had revealed that in late 1932, American geologist A. James Durlacher had written to him announcing that in 1927 he had spoken to various former members of de Loys's expeditions and had learnt from them that Ameranthropoideshad indeed merely been a marimonda spider monkey. Even more frustrating, in 2001 Spanish researchers Bernardo Urbani, Dr Ángel L. Viloria, and Franco Urbani had presented much of this key information in a paper published by the Spanish journal Anartia, Publicaciones Ocasionales del Museo de Biologia de La Universidad del Zulia, in which they had concluded that the Ameranthropoides saga was certainly a hoax – but yet again, this revelation had somehow evaded widespread attention! (It is even possible that Tejera's dramatic intervention at the end of Montandon's lecture back in 1929 was subsequently documented in some French newspaper(s) and/or periodical(s), but if so these too failed to attract any public notice and still await rediscovery.)

    The revelatory book by Bernardo Urbani and Dr Ángel L. Viloria – Ameranthropoides loysi Montandon 1929: The History of a Primatological Fraud (© Bernardo Urbani and Dr Ángel L. Viloria/Editorial LibrosEnRed – reproduced here on a strictly educational, non-commercial Fair Use basis only)

    Happily, however, their skilful detective work uncovering this hoax was at last given its long-deserved international attention when, in 2008, Bernardo Urbani and Dr Viloriapublished all of their findings in book form – Ameranthropoides loysi Montandon 1929: The History of a Primatological Fraud. The book's text was presented in two separate languages, English and Spanish, and was fully referenced, thus constituting the most comprehensive, and now-definitive, study and exposé of the whole sorry Ameranthropoides saga.

    One final point to consider here, which I haven't seen mentioned before but which has intrigued me for some time, is whether de Loys was at least partly inspired when setting up his hoax photo by a very distinctive illustration that was still famous back then, although much less so today.

    In 1758, eminent English naturalist and wildlife painter George Edwards wrote and illustrated Gleanings of Natural History, an authoritative tome that would remain a major work on that subject for well over a century. One of its illustrations was a hand-coloured copper engraving by Edwards of a young orang utan, among the first pictures ever prepared of this great ape, in which the orang utan was portrayed sitting upright on a wooden bench holding a long tall wooden stick in one hand. If this illustration is compared with the iconic Ameranthropoidesphoto, a number of striking similarities can be seen, including the orientation and/or form of the feet, limbs, facial expression, and even the stick (albeit utilised for different purposes).